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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that autonomy should be seen as arising not out of any particular membership or attachment, but out of the interaction between those different memberships which shape the individual's understanding of themselves and the world in which they live.
Abstract: This article challenges the widespread and influential claim – made by many liberals and non‐liberals – that cultural membership is a prerequisite of individual autonomy. It argues that liberals like Joseph Raz and Will Kymlicka, who ground autonomy in culture, underestimate the complex and internally diverse nature of the self, and the extent to which individual agents will often be shaped by many different attachments and memberships at once. In ‘selectively elevating’ one of these memberships (culture) as the most important to one’s autonomy or identity, culturalist liberals present a skewed and simplistic account of individual autonomy and, hence, of liberalism. Instead, autonomy should be seen as arising not out of any particular membership or attachment, but out of the interaction between those different memberships which shape the individual’s understanding of themselves and the world in which they live. This alternative account holds important implications for liberal theory, particularly the tens...

18 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…individuals ought to reason in ways which do not appeal to the truth of their own comprehensive doctrines or the falsity of others’ but the value of broader principles upon which diverse people can agree despite their deeper disagreements about the good (Rawls 1983, Larmore 1996, Moon 1993)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an eclectic and holistic model of ethics and ethical thinking is proposed to show how partialities can be integrated into impartial moral reasoning, where ethical reasoning is divided into three problem areas or "levels" and each level employs its own form of reasoning.
Abstract: This article proposes an eclectic and holistic model of ethics and ethical thinking It uses this tripart model to show how partialities can be integrated into impartial moral reasoning Ethical reasoning is divided into three problem areas or “levels”—cases, frameworks, and ultimate ethical goals Each level employs its own form of reasoning For evaluating cases, the author advocates an eclectic application of principles; for evaluating frameworks of principles, the author advocates contractualism; for evaluating ethical theory as a whole, the author advocates a notion of the human good inspired by Aristotelian perfectionism This article argues that utilitarianism, which is one part of eclectic deliberation, is hampered by the idea that ethical reasoning must be based on a single moral criterion or “master” principle The article concludes by showing how this eclectic model, supplemented by “mitigated impartialism,” provides a systematic method for assessing partialities, with reference to the problem

18 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...This balancing becomes part of the larger aim of reaching a Rawlsian (Rawls, 1993) reflective equilibrium among all elements of ethical thinking, including the values of perfectionism....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explored a possible "conversation" between a leading African political sociologist, Peter P. Ekeh, and the late French philosopher, historian and social theorist, Michel Foucault, in his theory of governmentality.
Abstract: In this article, I explore a possible ‘conversation’ between a leading African political sociologist, Peter P. Ekeh, in his theory of ‘two publics’, and the late French philosopher, historian and social theorist, Michel Foucault, in his theory of governmentality. I examine the ‘lingering effects of colonialism’ and point to how Ekeh’s insight and its usefulness for examining the politico-cultural consequences of colonialism in terms of the conduct of conduct in the public realm can be further enriched by relating it to the deeply penetrating insight on the nature of power and domination articulated through the concept of governmentality and sovereign power. The paper concludes that Ekeh’s thesis is particularly suitable for interrogating governmentality and its useful insights for understanding public life in Africa because, like Foucault’s theory of governmentality, it is grounded on a historical account of contemporary processes of socio-political and economic configuration.

18 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...John Rawls (1996 ) has described this as ‘background culture’ – distinct from ‘public political culture’ (Ekeh’s civic public) – with ‘a shared set of relevant moral ideas’ (p. 14)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the German Constitutional Court distinguishes between the equal representation of whole democratic peoples and individual citizens and argues that the composition of a European Parliament with powers of "government formation" would need to give strict priority to the equality representation of persons, rather than continue to give some weight to both equalities.
Abstract: In its Lisbon ruling, the German Constitutional Court claims that the ‘formation of a government with the powers of a state’ from within the European Parliament would require its seats to be apportioned in a strict relationship to the share of each member state in the population of the Union. In reaching this conclusion, the Court distinguishes between the equal representation of whole democratic peoples and the equal representation of individual citizens. However, we question that the composition of a European Parliament with powers of ‘government formation’ would need to give strict priority to the equal representation of persons, rather than continue to give some weight to both equalities. The Court's concern that a European Government should not be elected by those who represent a minority of the population could also be met if the Parliament's choice had to be confirmed by a qualified majority of the European Council.

18 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...In liberal societies, individuals are regarded as morally autonomous (Rawls 1993: 38)....

    [...]

16 Sep 2009
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore what a society that met Rawls's principles of justice would actually look like, and find no clear picture of what such a society would look like.
Abstract: John Rawls is arguably the most important political philosopher of the past century. His theory of justice has set the agenda for debate in mainstream political philosophy for the past forty years, and has had an important influence in economics, law, sociology, and other disciplines. However, despite the importance and popularity of Rawls's work, there is no clear picture of what a society that met Rawls's principles of justice would actually look like. This article sets out to explore that question.

18 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations