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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The authors examined how this tension has been understood in British political debate by analysing, as a proxy, debates from the House of Lords and concluded that four competing frames exist on the relationship between multiculturalism and national identity; they present different problems and solutions.
Abstract: Recent interpretations of policy developments across Europe have suggested a potential tension between multiculturalism and national identity. This article examines how this tension has been understood in British political debate by analysing, as a proxy, debates from the House of Lords. These debates show that four competing frames exist on the relationship between multiculturalism and national identity. These frames offer rival perspectives on the issues surrounding multiculturalism and national identity; they present different problems and solutions. Moreover, the article shows how these frames start from different interpretations of the social reality they are responding to. It concludes by questioning the pursuit of consensus on these matters.
18 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Appreciating this competition is important because democratic deliberation, of which these debates form a particularly reflective example, is often expected to achieve consensus (cf. Parekh, 2000; Rawls, 1993)....
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the changing pattern of the relationship between religious communities and the state and argue that the church, in the light of what is actually being offered to it by the state in terms of partnership, should, on the basis of its own frame of reference, refuse the terms and conditions of cooperation.
Abstract: This paper examines the changing pattern of the relationship between religious communities and the state. It argues that the church, in the light of what is actually being offered to it by the state in terms of partnership, should, on the basis of its own frame of reference, refuse the terms and conditions of cooperation. The first section charts the developments which shape this emerging relationship since the early 1990s, most notably, the strengthening of the public voice of minority faith communities. The second section analyses the debates about the role of religious communities in generating social cohesion and social capital in the context of debates about the importance of civil society to liberal democracy. The third section assesses whether the emergent shape of relations between the state and faith communities conforms to or contradicts a liberal account of the role of religious discourse in the public square. In contrast, the last two sections focus on the place of the church in this e...
18 citations
TL;DR: For instance, this article treated the account of the state of nature which Locke presents in his Second Treatise as neither an hypothesis nor a description but rather as a fiction, and thus treated it as a provable hypothesis.
Abstract: Scholarly discussion has treated the account of the state of nature which Locke presents in his Second Treatise as neither an hypothesis nor a description but rather as a fiction. John Dunn, for ex...
18 citations
01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a set of empirical facts from which principles of government, many of which coincide with the nation's civic ideals, can be deduced from which the resulting ideals lack moral authority; they are only anthropological observations about the beliefs that we hold.
Abstract: Civic educators seem to be faced with an insoluble set of related problems. For example, they can teach students about the civic ideals of their particular nation as a set of empirical facts, what the people of this particular place at this particular time happen to believe about the political and social roles of government and the obligations of citizens to that government and to one another. Alternatively, to provide a moral foundation for civic education, they can teach students a particular comprehensive moral theory—Locke’s liberalism, Mill’s utilitarianism, or Kant’s deontology, for example—from which principles of government, many of which coincide with the nation’s civic ideals, can be deduced. The problem with the first approach is that the resulting civic ideals lack moral authority; they are only anthropological observations about the beliefs that we hold. The problem with the second is that, although the principles thus derived do make genuine normative claims upon students, they are based on controversial metaphysical premises that not all students can accept, especially in a nation of diverse cultures and religions.
18 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...John Rawls’s political philosophy may provide civic educators with an alternative response to these disturbing conclusions. At least that is the possibility that I will explore in this essay. In A Theory of justice, originally published in 1971, Rawls (1999) lays out a complicated argument for a particular conception...
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...Indeed, his subsequent book, Political Liberalism, Rawls (1996) generalizes about and elaborates on this strategy of moral reasoning....
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TL;DR: In this article, it is shown that practice-independent accounts may indeed accept the meta-normative and methodological premises of the practice-dependent accounts, and that we are given no theoretical reason to think that practicedependent accounts justify other principles of justice for a practice than do practiceindependent accounts.
Abstract: The practice-dependent approach to justice has received a lot of attention in post-millennium political philosophy. It has been developed in different directions and its normative implications have been criticized, but little attention has been directed to the very distinction between practice-dependence and practice-independence and the question of what theoretically differentiates a practice-dependent account from mainstream practice-independent accounts. The core premises of the practice-dependent approach, proponents argue, are meta-normative and methodological. A key feature is the presumption that a concept of justice is dependent on the function or aim of the social practices to which it is supposed to be applied. Closely related to this meta-normative thesis is an interpretive methodology for deriving principles of justice from facts about existing practices, in particular regarding their point and purpose. These two premises, practice-dependent theorists claim, differentiate their account since (1) they are not accepted by practice-independent accounts and (2) they justify different principles of justice than practice-independent accounts. Our aim in this article is to refute both (1) and (2), demonstrating that practice-independent accounts may indeed accept the meta-normative and methodological premises of the practice-dependent accounts, and that we are given no theoretical reason to think that practice-dependent accounts justify other principles of justice for a practice than do practice-independent accounts. In other words, practice-dependent theorists have not substantiated their claim that practice-dependence is theoretically differentiated from mainstream accounts. When practice-dependent proponents argue for other principles of justice than mainstream theorists, it will be for the usual reason in normative theory: their first-order normative arguments differ.
18 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Such conditions may, for example, include a fixed scope, looking at which principles of justice ought to govern liberal constitutional democracies, following Rawls (1993)....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations