Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
More filters
TL;DR: It is suggested that human morality rests on a combination of cognitive and emotional processes that are missing from the repertoires of other species.
Abstract: This article discusses three major, but related, controversies surrounding the idea of morality. Is the complete pattern of features defining human morality unique to this species? How context depe...
17 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…that serious economic inequality is inconsistent with the premise that human suffering is a violation of a principled moral standard, although Rawls (1993) acknowledged years after publishing A Theory of Justice that his views would appeal primarily to liberal 20thcentury residents of North…...
[...]
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the case of the European Union and focus on a basic question: what kinds of values should inform the justification of political institutions facing a plurality of value systems? One route to an answer is provided by John Rawls, who famously distinguishes between comprehensive and political values and defends the exclusion of the former from the foundations of a political theory of justice.
Abstract: Liberal theories of justice typically claim that political institutions should be justifiable to those who live under them – whatever their values. The more such values diverge, the greater the challenge of justifiability. Diversity of this kind becomes especially pronounced when the institutions in question are supranational. Focusing on the case of the European Union, this article aims to address a basic question: what kinds of values should inform the justification of political institutions facing a plurality of value systems? One route to an answer is provided by John Rawls, who famously distinguishes between comprehensive and political values, and defends the exclusion of the former from the foundations of a political theory of justice. This article questions the tenability of the Rawlsian solution, and draws attention to an alternative twofold conceptual distinction: that between minimal and non-minimal and between substantive and procedural values. Minimal values are meant to be as independent as p...
17 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…comprehensive when it includes conceptions of what is of value in human life, and ideals of personal character, as well as ideas of friendship and of familial and associational relationships, and much else that is to inform our conduct, and in the limit to our life as a whole (Rawls, 1993, p. 13)....
[...]
...12 On this see Rawls (1993); Newey (1997); Cohen (1994); Ceva (2007)....
[...]
...…reason are embodied in the principles of justice for a well-ordered society:‘equal political and civil liberty; fair equality of opportunity; the values of economic reciprocity; ... values of the common good as well as the various necessary conditions for all these values’ (Rawls, 1993, p. 224)....
[...]
DOI•
01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: It is suggested that within the context of a youth-services agency such as this, where children are involved in any kind of abuse, the use of these methods is a good idea.
Abstract: ............................................................................................................................. ii Table of
17 citations
TL;DR: The authors examines Gray's value-pluralism in relation to the fact of pluralism, the fact that people are committed to different and conflicting beliefs, values and ways of life.
Abstract: This essay examines Gray’s value‐pluralism in relation to the fact of pluralism – the fact that people are committed to different and conflicting beliefs, values and ways of life. More particularly, it examines whether, given the fact of pluralism, Gray’s value‐pluralism can deliver the mutual toleration that is necessary if people are to commit to the modus vivendi he seeks. I consider that issue in two parts: first, by examining whether value‐pluralism argues for toleration amongst value‐pluralists themselves; secondly, by considering whether the value‐pluralist can cope with those who do not share his conception of value. The essay concludes by suggesting that, even though Gray rejects a conception of the right that is independent of the good, it is a conception he may need.
17 citations
Additional excerpts
...However, in conformity with the meaning given to this phrase by writers such as Rawls (1993) and Larmore (1996), I use ‘the fact of pluralism’ to describe more than the mere existence of diverse modes of life....
[...]
TL;DR: The authors describe Islamo-fascism, the anti-totalitarian case for war in Iraq and the description of religiously motivated political extremism as a new totalitarianism as remarkable features of the early 1990s.
Abstract: Terms like ‘Islamo-fascism’, the ‘anti-totalitarian’ case for war in Iraq and the description of religiously motivated political extremism as a ‘new totalitarianism’ were all remarkable features of...
17 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...In that regard, the relevant audience may bear some relation to John Rawls’ idea of the ‘background culture’ of civil society, comprising the ‘educated common sense of citizens’, acquired and sustained variously by education, conversation and reading (see Rawls 1996, 13–14 and 2007, 5–7)....
[...]
References
More filters
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations