Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that issues and instances of accommodation are issues and cases of toleration, and they focus on issues that arise when the claims of religious belief conflict with those of other legally protected characteristics, especially sexual orientation.
Abstract: Issues of religious toleration might be thought dead and advocacy of religious toleration a pointless exercise in preaching to the converted, at least in most contemporary European societies. This paper challenges that view. It does so principally by focusing on issues of religious accommodation as these arise in contemporary multi-faith societies. Drawing on the cases of exemption, Article 9 of the ECHR, and law governing indirect religious discrimination, it argues that issues and instances of accommodation are issues and instances of toleration. Special attention is given to issues that arise when the claims of religious belief conflict with those of other legally protected characteristics, especially sexual orientation. The paper uses a concept of toleration appropriate to a liberal democratic political order—one that replaces the ‘vertical’ ruler-to-subject model of toleration that suited early modern monarchies with a ‘horizontal’ citizen-to-citizen model appropriate to a political order that aims to uphold an ideal of toleration rather than itself extend toleration to those whose lives it regulates.
17 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...The political liberalism of John Rawls (1993) provides a clear example of this sort of tolerant political order....
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...The political liberalism of John Rawls (1993) provides a clear example of this sort of tolerant political order....
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TL;DR: In this paper, a performance-based project which explored issues of representation and legitimacy in participatory planning was presented, which has proved to be a powerful tool which has sparked enthusiasm, interest and imagination.
Abstract: Greater public participation in planning has long been a goal for planning professionals. In practice what often takes place is the dreaded ‘community consultation’ process. There is often a gulf between a community’s enthusiasm and creativity on the one hand and the strictures of the statutory planning process on the other. This article reports on a performance-based project which explored issues of representation and legitimacy in participatory planning. The use of theatre to investigate participatory planning has proved to be a powerful tool which has sparked enthusiasm, interest and imagination.
17 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...It is worth noting, later writers such as Saward (2006) have criticised Pitkin’s forms of representation, which Saward considers to be overly structuralist and neglects the importance of the represented (2006)....
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...It is worth noting, later writers such as Saward (2006) have criticised Pitkin’s forms of representation, which Saward considers to be overly structuralist and neglects the importance of the represented (2006). It can be argued that Pitkins view of representation is uni-directional and does not reflect the nature of modern political activity. Saward’s post-structuralist analysis in contrast highlights the idea that the relationship between the representative and the represented is ongoing and is constantly being formed and reformed as the political process unfolds. Saward’s analysis particularly concentrates on the process of representation in the new self-organising political groups such as ‘Occupy Wall Street’ and ‘The 99%’ (Judge, 2014). In these situations it is not realistic to think of the representative –represented relationship as a principal – agent relationship as may have been the case in traditional political processes (ibid). Saward argues that in these new organizations the representatives make a ‘representative claim’ (2006) to an audience in relation to the group they are seeking to represent....
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...It is worth noting, later writers such as Saward (2006) have criticised Pitkin’s forms of representation, which Saward considers to be overly structuralist and neglects the importance of the represented (2006). It can be argued that Pitkins view of representation is uni-directional and does not reflect the nature of modern political activity....
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27 Mar 2017
17 citations
TL;DR: The authors examines the challenges posed by the postnationalization and privatization of state authority in the context of normative political theory and recent empirical research on the state, and proposes a framework to deal with them.
Abstract: Bringing together normative political theory and recent empirical research on the state, the essay examines the challenges posed by the postnationalization and privatization of state authority to c...
17 citations
Dissertation•
01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: In this article, the authors defend a Humean theory of property rights against its neo-Lockean and "resource egalitarian" rivals, arguing that the importance of private property rights for facilitating social cooperation between people with differing views about justice gives them normative authority even when they do not conform to ideal principles of distributive justice or natural right.
Abstract: My dissertation defends a Humean theory of property rights against its neo-Lockean and ‘resource egalitarian’ rivals. Humean property rights are conventional and not grounded in preinstitutional moral entitlements. Nevertheless, the importance of property rights for facilitating social cooperation between people with differing views about justice gives them normative authority even when they do not conform to ideal principles of distributive justice or ‘natural right.’ I develop a conceptual architecture of property rights and property interests in order to dispel confusion about the relationship between property’s legal form and economic substance. Although the structure of property rights constrains the extent to which property ownership can be fragmented in the service of egalitarian distributive goals, robust private property rights are compatible with extensive social insurance. This analysis undermines the neo-Lockean position that all redistributive taxation is an infringement of property rights and provides an attractive middle ground between libertarianism and strong forms of egalitarianism. Humean theory justifies giving normative weight to pre-tax property entitlements when determining tax obligations. I use this insight to rebut Liam Murphy and Thomas Nagel’s argument that principles of tax equity are vacuous because pre-tax income has no moral significance. Viewing tax policy exclusively from the perspective of post-tax income effaces the important role of tax fairness norms in preventing wasteful tax policy when people disagree about fundamental principles of distributive justice. I distinguish my view from Gerald Gaus’ recent critique of Murphy and Nagel. Whereas Gaus is skeptical of redistributive taxation, my theory of tax fairness is compatible both with classical liberalism and with a more robust social welfare state.
17 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations