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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The idea of neutrality, thought of in terms of "fairness" or a willingness to "hear the other side, remains a value that is worthwhile for public administrators to pursue as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Since there can be no language that is free of our moral and political values, it is difficult, if not impossible, for public administrators and those of us who study and teach them to be “ethically neutral.” However, the idea of neutrality, thought of in terms of “fairness,” or a willingness to “hear the other side,” remains a value that is worthwhile for public administrators to pursue. The implications of this argument for American constitutionalism and public administration practice and education are examined.

17 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…expressed by John Rawls, who has argued that neutrality in a liberal state should mean that “the state is not to do anything that is intended to favor or promote any particular comprehensive doctrine rather than another, or to give greater assistance to those who pursue it” (Rawls, 1996, p. 193)....

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Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the case in terms of Plonit's right to culture, in addition to her right to equality, and pointed out that the minority within the minority's claim is not necessarily perceived by other minority members as claims that try to enforce external norms on the minority culture.
Abstract: The Israeli Plonit case concerns a Muslim woman who wished to be represented by a female arbitrator in a Shari’a Court. The Shari’a Court of Appeals denied her request and decided that Shari’a Law permits only men to serve as arbitrators. Plonit petitioned the Israeli Supreme Court, which accepted her petition and decided that the Shari’a Court of Appeals’ decision infringed her right to equality. While I support the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision, my paper sheds a light on a crucial matter that is absent in the decision; namely, the right to culture of Muslim women, who are a vulnerable members of a minority group in Israel, and therefore constitute a “minority within minority”. Analysing the case in terms of Plonit’s right to culture, in addition to her right to equality, has two advantages. First, it stresses the main issues at the heart of the legal debate, which are the minority culture’s norms and practices, and the right of the minority within the minority to influence and shape them as much as the majority within the minority. Second, when the minority within the minority’s claim is put in terms of the right to culture, and not only in terms of the right to equality, they are not necessarily perceived by other minority members as claims that try to enforce external norms on the minority culture.

17 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the arguments of John Locke who characterized the administrator as a phantom in the political process and relegated popular sovereignty to the legislative process alone, arguing that alienation of citizens toward government can be linked directly to the exclusion of citizens from the administrative process.
Abstract: The role of administrators in ensuring popular sovereignty is largely under-examined in the literature of political philosophy. Yet, alienation of citizens toward government can be linked directly to the exclusion of citizens from the administrative process. This paper examines the arguments of John Locke who characterized the administrator as a phantom in the political process and relegated popular sovereignty to the legislative process alone.

17 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...In Political Liberalism, John Rawls (1996) articulates the "criterion of reciprocity" as "our exercise of political power is proper only when we sincerely believe that the reasons that we offer for our political action may reasonably be accepted by other citizens as a justification for those…...

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  • ...In Political Liberalism, John Rawls (1996) articulates the "criterion of reciprocity" as "our exercise of political power is proper only when we sincerely believe that the reasons that we offer for our political action may reasonably be accepted by other citizens as a justification for those actions" (p. xlvii)....

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01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated how conflicts among hunting interests effect the legitimacy of the Swedish government's game hunting goals and found that conflicts among game hunting interests affect game hunting legitimacy.
Abstract: This thesis investigates how conflicts among hunting interests effect the legitimacy of the Swedish government's game hunting goals ...

17 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...For instance, if a GMA’s exercise of power lacks consent among its hunters, and if it is found to be informal, does this imply that that GMA will change its norm while making similar decisions in the future and begin to conform to the formal rules in the Game Management Association Act (1980)? Bear in mind that informal constraints are culturally derived and will not change immediately in reaction to changes in the formal rules (North 1990, 45)....

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  • ...…agenda for a specifically modern form of political theory, namely one concerned with the “specification of the terms of fair social co-operation for members of a political culture embracing liberty and equality, but divided by a plurality of reasonable but incompatible doctrines” (Rawls 1993, 144)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the reported experiences of nine adult entrants during the second year of a work-related degree course and proposed a threshold-of-induction (TOI) model, based on the COR model.
Abstract: In a previous study it has been suggested that there are six stages that adults move through before they feel ready to participate in higher education, and proposed a chain-of-response (COR) model to describe the process. In this study we examine the reported experiences of nine adult entrants during the second year of a work-related degree course. The analysis of the previous studies accounts of the process indicated that a sequential model of the type introduced did not adequately describe the process of induction experienced. Here ‘induction’ is taken to mean something more than the short institutional induction process organised by the university. What participants in this study described was a gradual transformation that occurs in each individual until they are ready to accept the identity of ‘student’ – a transformation that not all achieved, even those who appeared to be meeting all course requirements. On the basis of this analysis we propose a threshold-of-induction (TOI) model, based on the COR ...

17 citations


Cites methods from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...In the introduction we highlighted the literature exploring identity formation in HE, and through our participant accounts forming an ‘overlapping consensus’ (Rawles 1993) we can see specific factors that are at play as adults begin HE study....

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References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations