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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The authors argued that value pluralism implies a distinctive case for liberalism as a universal project by way of two principal lines of argument: first, plurality implies the desirability within a given political arena of a diversity of goods and ways of life, a diversity best accommodated by liberalism.
Abstract: John Gray has argued that Berlinian value pluralism undermines the traditional claims of liberalism to universal authority, rendering it at best no more than one legitimate political form among others. That view is mistaken; value pluralism implies a distinctive case for liberalism as a universal project by way of two principal lines of argument. First, pluralism implies the desirability within a given political arena of a diversity of goods and ways of life, a diversity best accommodated by liberalism. Second, the rational resolution of particular cases of value conflict under pluralism is possible (where it is possible) only by way of a particularist, Aristotelian form of practical reasoning, which requires the exercise of certain characteristically liberal virtues. Overall, pluralism not only supports liberalism, but supports liberalism in a strong, universalist and perfectionist form.
16 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...In recent times this line of liberal justi cation has taken the form of the liberal ‘neutrality’ advocated by thinkers such as Rawls (1971, 1993) and Dworkin (1977, 1985)....
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...It is pluralism in this empirical sense that is the explicit basis of the familiar claim, made by John Rawls (1971, 1993) and others, that liberalism can be justi ed as the most sensible response to modern divergence of belief about the good life....
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...As noted above, the range and diversity of human values is such that not all genuine goods can be realised within the same ‘social space’ (Rawls 1993, 57)....
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...This question has been increasingly pressed in recent years by writers like John Gray.3 For Gray, Berlin’s account of the ultimate plurality of human values is convincing, but the political implications of that account are much more radical and much less sympathetic to liberalism than Berlin himself realised....
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...But in any case the diversity of values internal to cultures that is promoted by liberalism is likely to lead to greater diversity among cultures after all (Johnston 1994, 27)....
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TL;DR: In this article, the meaning of the term "symbolic" and of the expression "symbolical force" was restricted, and the concept of human rights was discussed.
Abstract: The article deals with `The Symbolic Force of Human Rights'. First, it restricts the meaning of the term `symbolic' and of the expression `symbolic force'. Second, it discusses the concept of human...
16 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show that a viable universalist feminism can accommodate a thin and so defensible version of multiculturalism, and that there is considerable scope for cooperation between comparative education and feminist philosophy's liberal theorists.
Abstract: For multiculturalists who favour a relativist approach, globalization and the increasing interconnectedness of societies pose a threat to cultural diversity. In this paper we show, through an exploration of the work of Martha Nussbaum, that a viable universalist feminism can accommodate a thin and so defensible version of multiculturalism. Nussbaum's treatment of culture in relation to women's education and the cultivation of capacities for world citizenship fosters inclusion of norms and traditions from different ways of life, while leaving room for a critical perspective on them. On these grounds, there is considerable scope for cooperation between comparative education and feminist philosophy's liberal theorists.
16 citations
Dissertation•
05 Aug 2010
16 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a communitarian theory of education rights for people with disabilities has been proposed, based on communitarian writings on the role of education in democratic society, where the communitarian school, like the community within which it nests, is inclusive.
Abstract: There is a lack of writing on the issue of the education rights of people with disabilities by authors of any theoretical persuasion. While the deficiency of theory may be explained by a variety of historical, philosophical and practical considerations, it is a deficiency which must be addressed. Otherwise, any statement of rights rings out as hollow rhetoric unsupported by sound reason and moral rectitude. This paper attempts to address this deficiency in education rights theory by postulating a communitarian theory of the education rights of people with disabilities. The theory is developed from communitarian writings on the role of education in democratic society. The communitarian school, like the community within which it nests, is inclusive. Schools both reflect and model the shape of communitarian society and have primary responsibility for teaching the knowledge and virtues which will allow citizens to belong to and function within society. Communitarians emphasise responsibilities, however, as th...
16 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Further, Rawls held that, within his second principle of justice, fair equality of opportunity (including freedom from social discrimination) must also be assured before there was any redistribution of social goods (see Rawls, 1993, pp. 4–6, 291–3)....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations