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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors emphasize the importance of the temporal dimension of childhood and children's need for special protection, especially because of their susceptibility to domination, especially intergenerational domination.
Abstract: The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) emphasizes the importance of the temporal dimension of childhood and children’s need for special protection. Such protection is necessary because of their susceptibility to domination, especially intergenerational domination. The same is true for past and future generations, where such domination includes the domination of and by the current generation of children, especially around intergenerational, public goods important for a good human life. Such an account of intergenerational justice captures the focus of the CRC’s Preamble on improving the quality of the lives of children.
16 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Rawls (1996, 68), for example, thought that we could model persons on the assumption that they will live a complete life within a single polity, “entering at birth and exiting only at death.”...
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...This communicative status provides a standing on which a child or others without status become a “selforiginating source of claims” (Rawls 1996, 509) and may also be recognized by social move ments that aim to achieve the protections of legal status for migrants and others who lack citizenship....
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Journal Article•
TL;DR: In a recent study, this paper examined how politically conservative preservice teachers respond to their teacher education programs, particularly programs they perceive to be ideologically liberal, and found that teachers tend to hold liberal or "far left" positions on social issues, and liberal faculty members tend to outnumber conservatives within most academic departments, oftentimes by wide margins.
Abstract: A common perception within politically conservative circles is that American colleges and universities are bastions of liberal thought led by left-leaning faculty who seek to indoctrinate their students into adopting progressive views of the world (Gross, 2013; Maranto, Redding, & Hess, 2009). (1) In recent years, this perception has been fueled by a handful of high-profile cases of faculty aligning with student-led campus protests, such as the 2015 demonstrations at the University of Missouri regarding racial tension on campus (Rutz, 2015) or assigning course readings that appear to push a liberal slant on contemporary or historical issues, as was the charge leveled by conservative critics of a Literature of 9/11 course at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 2015 (Chiaramonte, 2015; Sperry, 2015). (2) These cases then become fodder for conservative politicians and news outlets, and they serve to perpetuate the narrative of college liberalism. In many ways, however, the perception of American universities as liberal institutions is rooted in fact. According to the most recent profile of college freshmen published annually by the Higher Education Research Institute, college students are growing increasingly liberal. Although nearly half of students surveyed identified their political ideologies as moderate, their answers to questions related to politics and public policy indicated that most held liberal or "far left" positions on social issues (Egan et al., 2014). Moreover, liberal faculty members tend to outnumber conservatives within most academic departments, oftentimes by wide margins (Klein & Stern, 2009). In their analysis of political ideologies across university departments, Klein and Stern (2009) found that departments of teacher education tend to be among the most liberal on any given university campus, and a quick perusal of the major teacher education journals does little to refute that assertion. Many educators have argued that this progressive focus is necessary given the neoliberal assault on both the teaching profession and traditional pathways to teacher licensure in the United States over the past three decades (e.g., Kumashiro, 2010; Sleeter, 2008). Moreover, raising issues of social justice, calling attention to diversity, and engaging in critical analyses of American society--all of which are often derided by conservatives as pushing a liberal agenda (Applebaum, 2009)--are essential to preparing preservice teachers for 21st-century classrooms (e.g., Cochran-Smith, 2004). The purpose of this study is not to debate or justify a progressive vision of teacher education. Rather, this article explores a topic that has received little attention within the teacher education literature: how politically conservative preservice teachers respond to their teacher education programs, particularly programs they perceive to be ideologically liberal. The findings from this narrative inquiry of seven politically conservative teachers reflecting on their teacher education program offer implications for a philosophically liberal conception of teacher education that values multiple perspectives and open deliberations of ideas. Literature Review Progressive teacher education is often justified as necessary to combat the effects of an American society that continues to privilege the perspectives of affluent, Christian, heterosexual, White men. In doing so, much of what is advocated in programs that profess to adhere to a social justice mission often runs counter to positions that are commonly viewed as conservative in the American political arena. Scholars have attempted to address concerns related to the perceived "liberal bias" in social justice education by arguing for "engagement but not necessarily agreement" (Applebaum, 2009, p. 399) and stating that blatant attempts at indoctrination represent an undemocratic approach to education (Bialystok, 2014; Freedman, 2007). …
16 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Reasonable disagreements, however, can only exist if individuals are given safe outlets in which they can voice their beliefs, which is why Rawls (1993) argued that as long as the private values of citizens do not infringe on the public values of the polity, the state should neither endorse nor…...
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TL;DR: In this article, a series of normative constraints that liberal-egalitarians would require the state to observe would be established, and detailed consideration was given to the particular types of language maintenance measures that these constraints would rule in and out.
Abstract: This paper will seek to determine what types of legislative or policy measures should be considered as morally acceptable ones for the state to implement as part of a language maintenance effort. It will approach the issue from a liberal-egalitarian perspective. As a first step, a series of normative constraints that liberal-egalitarians would require the state to observe will be established. Detailed consideration will then be given to the particular types of language maintenance measures that these constraints would rule in and out. This will be achieved by examining three different examples of language maintenance in action. While discussing these examples, it will be demonstrated that although the constraints would rule out certain language maintenance methods, in particular the general endorsement of official monolingualism, they would allow for a wide range of promotional steps that, if implemented carefully, could have a substantial impact on the degree to which a particular language can be maintained.
16 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…liberal-egalitarians who have included references to equality of respect within their reflective equilibria have asserted, the public appearance and ways of working of a society’s major institutions is also of vital importance (Taylor 1992, 43 44; Van Parijs 2011, 120; see also Rawls 1993, 319)....
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...…perspective, a normative position that is associated with some of the past few decades’ most prominent political theorists figures such as John Rawls (1971, 1993), Ronald Dworkin (1978, 1981), Bruce Ackerman (1980), Amy Gutmann (1980), Philippe Van Parijs (1995) and Will Kymlicka (1989,…...
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...As noted in the introduction, the paper approaches the issue of language maintenance from a liberal-egalitarian perspective, a normative position that is associated with some of the past few decades’ most prominent political theorists figures such as John Rawls (1971, 1993), Ronald Dworkin (1978, 1981), Bruce Ackerman (1980), Amy Gutmann (1980), Philippe Van Parijs (1995) and Will Kymlicka (1989, 1995)....
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TL;DR: The content and boundaries of moral education the state may require schools to offer is a matter of contention as mentioned in this paper, and whether the state should obligate schools to promote the pursuit of moral ideals.
Abstract: The content and boundaries of moral education the state may require schools to offer is a matter of contention. This article investigates whether the state may obligate schools to promote the pursuit of moral ideals. Moral ideals refer to (a cluster of) characteristics of a person as well as to situations or states that are believed to be morally excellent or perfect and that are not yet realised. Having an ideal typically means that the person is dedicated to realising the type of situation or person to which the ideal refers. Therefore generating student enthusiasm for moral ideals may be an effective way to realise a morally excellent society. This article defends the position that schools may be required to promote the recognition of ideals that all reasonable citizens endorse. Reasonable citizens will not, however, accept that the state obligates schools to promote the pursuit of moral ideals.
16 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...As Rawls (1993) has pointed out, the principle only requires reasons that are acceptable to citizens who are in some sense reasonable; that is, citizens who are willing to observe the principle of public justification in defending or advocating their favoured coercive laws....
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TL;DR: In this article, the core idea of utilitarianism for Bentham is to establish that only individual utilities count in social welfare, and there can be two distinct interpretations of this apparently simple principle: according to one view, individual utilities represent the basic information for the calculation of social welfare: this is how utilitarianism works; according to a second view, social welfare is maximized if and only if individual utilities are maximized.
Abstract: The core idea of utilitarianism for Bentham is to establish that only individual utilities count in social welfare. There can be two distinct interpretations of this apparently simple principle. According to one view, individual utilities represent the basic information for the calculation of social welfare: this is how utilitarianism works. According to a second view, social welfare is maximized if and only if individual utilities are maximized: this is what justifies utilitarianism. This aim of this paper is to show: that these two interpretations should not be confused; that they correspond to distinct definitions of welfarism; that they are likely to conflict; and that as a consequence we can draw important and surprising conclusions for political philosophy and economic science. One such conclusion is that fairness should be prior to goodness in a consistent Benthamian doctrine.
16 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Last but not least, the government modifies the system of utilities: with a system of sanctions and rewards,(41) individuals will now do something they ought to do, rather than what they would have done spontaneously.(42)...
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...53See Rawls (1971, 1985, 1993, 2001)....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations