Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
More filters
TL;DR: The third generation of deliberative democracy has now entered a third generation, to which the three recent books considered here contribute as discussed by the authors, arguing that the first generation included the normative assertions of Habermas and Rawls, the second generation involved the fusing of these two first generationalists, and reconciling them with features of social complexity.
Abstract: The article argues that deliberative democracy has now entered a third generation, to which the three recent books considered here contribute. The first generation included the normative assertions of Habermas and Rawls. The second generation involved the fusing of these two first generationalists, and reconciling them with features of social complexity. The second generation has rendered deliberative democracy more practically achievable, and the three books here seize this opportunity to provide considerable institutional innovation about how to achieve the reformed deliberative theory in practice. In doing this the third generation of deliberative democracy is emerging. In the main, a more practically relevant version of deliberative democracy is welcomed, but we must also guard against jettisoning its normative ideals in the process.
107 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Rawls (1993) takes a procedural approach to public reason, but rather than forcing private interests to be justified in a public setting, he employs the original position where citizens deliberate to reach consensus through a veil of ignorance about their particular circumstances....
[...]
...Rawls’ (1993) constitutional embodiment of the norms of deliberative democracy is accepted, along with constitutional rights of freedom of expression and assembly, but they owe far more to Habermas’ (1996) vision of deliberation in the public sphere as opinion former and agenda setter....
[...]
...Gutmann and Dennis Thompson (1996), in considering the institutionalisation of deliberative democracy, took complexity seriously, and reformed the theory of deliberative democracy in the process....
[...]
...Rawls (1993) perceives it as a hypothetical publicity test, suggesting that if a law or policy is to be right, it must have the capacity to endure publicity....
[...]
...Second-generation deliberative democrats, particularly James Bohman (1996) and Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson (1996), in considering the institutionalisation of deliberative democracy, took complexity seriously, and reformed the theory of deliberative democracy in the process....
[...]
TL;DR: A participatory and deliberative democratic approach to labor standards would push the labor-standards debate into the global public sphere as discussed by the authors, which would seek to create broad discussion about labor standards that would include not only firms and regulators, but also consumers, nongovernmental organizations, journalists, and others.
Abstract: Political theorists have argued that the methods of deliberative democracy can help to meet challenges such as legitimacy, effective governance, and citizen education in local and national contexts. These basic insights can also be applied to problems of international governance such as the formulation, implementation, and monitoring of labor standards. A participatory and deliberative democratic approach to labor standards would push the labor–standards debate into the global public sphere. It would seek to create broad discussion about labor standards that would include not only firms and regulators, but also consumers, nongovernmental organizations, journalists, and others. This discussion could potentially improve (1) the quality of labor standards by incorporating considerations of economic context and firm capability, (2) their implementation by bringing to bear not only state sanctions but also political and market pressures, and (3) the education and understanding of citizens. Whereas the role of public agencies in state–centered approaches is to formulate and enforce labor standards, central authorities in the decentralized–deliberative approach would foster the transparency of workplace practices to spur an inclusive, broad, public conversation about labor standards. To the extent that a substantive consensus around acceptable behavior emerges from that conversation, public power should also enforce those minimum standards.
107 citations
TL;DR: Whether working towards occupational justice can contribute to realising a just and inclusive society by analysing how occupational justice issues have been argued is questioned.
Abstract: Occupational justice is typically framed as an aspect of social justice, a philosophical perspective that has traditionally emphasised treating people with respect and equitable distribution of soc...
103 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...As stated earlier, a just society is generally considered to be one in which all citizens are regarded with equal concern (Dworkin, 2000; Rawls, 1993)....
[...]
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that transparency reviews do not straightforwardly open up opportunities for observing the internal dynamics of an organization in order to render the organization accountable and its members aware of their responsibilities.
Abstract: Demands for greater transparency form an increasingly prevalent feature of many areas of organizational activity. Through the rubric of transparency, demands are made for organizations to demonstrate recognition of their responsibility for environmental impact, how money is spent, the returns received on money invested and so on. This paper argues that transparency reviews, however, do not straightforwardly open up opportunities for observing the internal dynamics of an organization in order to render the organization accountable and its members aware of their responsibilities. Instead, transparency reviews encourage the adoption of new or re-formatted informational production processes that produce information intended to fit the auspices of the review. In this way, internal aspects of organizations are not `made available' but instead are re-oriented toward the production of specific forms of informational output that will externalize (or make available) a particular version of the internal dynamics of the organization. By studying these production processes in detail we find a series of ad-hoc, uncertain and disconnected processes through which accountability criteria are met and transparency achieved.
100 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Wall’s (1996) analysis of Rawls’ (1993) conditions for democratic citizenship suggests that straightforwardly making information available is an insuffi cient form of transparency for democratic decision making....
[...]
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the instrumental value of reducing corruption goes far beyond its effects on tax evasion and tax revenues, and that accepting corruption as a policy strategy to increase tax revenues may undermine values of democracy and good governance.
100 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Since the primary subject of justice is the basic structure of society, these fair terms are expressed by principles that specify basic rights and duties within its main institutions. . . (Rawls, 1993, p. 16)....
[...]
References
More filters
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations