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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Dissertation
21 Jun 2019
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine how a sharing of power, between administrators and the public, in decision making can work to ease the inherent tensions between bureaucracy and democracy and explore a process representative of "shared decision-making" between citizens and government.
Abstract: In the absence of court-ordered desegregation processes, districts have resorted to other methods of comprehensive public education planning. The student assignment and school boundaries review process for the District of Columbia Public Schools (DCPS), conducted in Washington, DC in the fall of 2013, is a prime example of such an activity. The last review of this process was undertaken in 1968, and since that time over 50 DCPS schools have closed. Over many years, there was a steady decrease in the city’s population and the rise of a separately governed system of public charter schools. In the last few years, the population has increased. The goal of the most recent review process was to engage communities in conversations about not only particular boundary proposals but also deeper policy conversations focused on equal education opportunities and issues regarding a need for responsiveness to the changing demographics of the city. This dissertation study examines how a sharing of power, between administrators and the public, in decision making can work to ease the inherent tensions between bureaucracy and democracy. Using a unique dataset, the researcher examines a singlecase study, of Washington, DC, to explore a process representative of ‘shared decision-making’ between citizens and government and discusses how processes designed to be deliberative and inclusive not only encourage participation but ultimately have a vital role in creating a sense of legitimacy and ownership of a process. From these findings through the theoretical frameworks of coproduction and inclusion, the researcher hopes to glean insights that can contribute to how shared decision-making processes, through the actions of the public manager, play a role in addressing public education issues. Beyond the Boundaries: A Sharing of Power in Processes of Public Education Decision-Making and Planning Faith Gibson Hubbard GENERAL AUDIENCE ABSTRACT This researched is focused on how public managers, bureaucrats, can show responsiveness to the needs and wants of the citizens they serve through authentically including citizens in the process of decision-making. To examine this topic, this research reviews a process of public decision-making regarding how revisions were made to public school boundaries in Washington, DC. The findings from this research showed that the inclusion, and authentic partnership, of citizens throughout the process lead to greater outcomes, which the citizens felt were reflective of their participants and feedback.

15 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…the authentic connection, or opportunity for engagement, that can work to legitimize the process by providing the “justification of authority” for collaborative action with government actors and foster trust and a great level of buy-in of the policy solution (Rawls, 1971, 1993; Rakar, 2017, p. 60)....

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  • ...In terms of public education, legitimacy moves beyond the simple definition of “the justification of authority” (Rawls, 1971, 1993; Rakar, 2017, p. 60) to that of political, substantive, and procedural legitimacy (Wallner, 2008, pp. 431-32; Abowitz, 2013, p. 22)....

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  • ...…and public participation Within the confines of democracy, the principle of popular control leads to an expectation of the public’s ability to influence public policy and government actions through public participation (Stivers, 1990; Rawls, 1993; Habermas, 1996; Wallner, 2008, p. 424)....

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  • ...Legitimacy is “the justification of authority” or validation of process/outcomes (Rawls, 1971, 1993; Rakar, 2017, p. 60)....

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  • ...For this argument I would like to define legitimacy as “the justification of authority” (Rawls, 1971, 1993; Rakar, 2017, p. 60)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the problem of demarcating the political units within which democracy will be practiced, and how to demarcate the political unit within which it will be practised.
Abstract: How to demarcate the political units within which democracy will be practiced? Although recent years have witnessed a steadily increasing academic interest in this question concerning the boundary ...

15 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...See also Rawls, 1996: 384)....

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  • ...…rational because they seek the most efficient means to achieve their ends, and reasonable because they wish to regulate these ends (as well as the means used to realize these ends) by means of principles that can be justified by reasons which all can reasonably accept (Rawls, 1996: 16, 2001: 386)....

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  • ...What this means is that these agents ‘‘must be situated reasonably, that is, fairly or symmetrically, with no one having superior bargaining advantages over the rest’’ (Rawls, 1996: 52–53)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors propose an interpretation of political argument within the constraints of political liberalism, which uses modern developments in the philosophy of logic and language to reclaim meaningless nonsense from use as a partisan war cry and build up political argument as something more than a power struggle between competing conceptions of the good.
Abstract: How do we determine whether individuals accept the actual consistency of a political argument instead of just its rhetorical good looks? This article answers this question by proposing an interpretation of political argument within the constraints of political liberalism. It utilises modern developments in the philosophy of logic and language to reclaim ‘meaningless nonsense’ from use as a partisan war cry and to build up political argument as something more than a power struggle between competing conceptions of the good. Standard solutions for ‘clarifying’ meaning through descriptive definition encounter difficulties with the biases of status quo idioms (long noted by theorists like William Connolly and Quentin Skinner), as well as partisan translations and circularity. Collectively called linguistic gerrymandering, these difficulties threaten political liberalism’s underlying coherency. The proposed interpretation of political argument overcomes this with a new brand of conceptual analysis that can fals...

15 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...That is to say, it does not comprise a ‘reasonable comprehensive doctrine’ (Rawls, 2005: xxx) and it is a position that would be ‘reasonably rejected’ in the contracting position (as specified by Barry, 1995) because it would not hold up in a political argument....

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  • ...I have in mind here the ‘comprehensive doctrine’ of Habermas’s theory of communica- tive action (see Rawls, 2005: 376)....

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  • ...Political liberalism considers the problem as that of coordinating a peaceful coexistence within a plural society (Barry 1995; Rawls, 2005)....

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  • ...Any ‘overlapping consensus’ (Rawls, 2005: 150) is not over what is considered true in comprehensive doctrines, but over what is false in the context of conversation....

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Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The ordonomic approach to order ethics contains four elements: (a) a diagnosis of modernity, which identifies the core problems and directs the research strategy to solving them; (b) a rational-choice analysis of social dilemmas, i.e., positive theorizing which informs about the unintended consequences of intentional interaction; (c) the idea of orthogonal positions, which aims at providing reform orientation while at the same time systematically avoiding controversial value statements; (d) a scheme of three social arenas that helps to understand the interplay between institutions and ideas in
Abstract: The ordonomic approach to order ethics contains four elements: (a) a diagnosis of modernity, which identifies the core problems and directs the research strategy to solving them; (b) a rational-choice analysis of social dilemmas, i.e., positive theorizing which informs about the un-intended consequences of intentional inter-action; (c) the idea of orthogonal positions, i.e., normative theorizing that aims at providing reform orientation while at the same time systematically avoiding controversial value statements; (d) a scheme of three social arenas that helps to understand the interplay between institutions and ideas in societal learning processes.

15 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...The gradual improvement, during the twentieth century, in the legal status of women is an example of the former, while the attempts by Rawls (1971, 1993, 2001) to re-think “justice” are an example of the latter....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a newly popular psychotherapy technique, Internal Family Systems therapy (IFS), as practiced in a US eating-disorders clinic, clinicians and clients negotiate tensions between this model's understanding of a multiple, refracted self and managed-care companies' insistence on personal responsibility.
Abstract: “The self” has seen a surprising resurgence in recent anthropological theorizing, revitalizing interest in whether and how it can be studied ethnographically. These issues are brought to the fore by a newly popular psychotherapy technique, Internal Family Systems therapy (IFS), as practiced in a US eating-disorders clinic. There, clinicians and clients negotiate tensions between this model's understanding of a multiple, refracted self and managed-care companies’ insistence on personal responsibility. In considering the moral and pragmatic work of IFS in the clinic, a new critical anthropology of selfhood illuminates the vectors through which economic and political commitments become imbricated in the self. They do so in ways that resist both psychologism and subjectivism while holding them in productive—albeit sometimes troubling—tension.

15 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations