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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors considered the building blocks for the intrinsic acceptance of liberal democracy, albeit not in a substantive, but a formal key, of St. Paul's speech before the Areopagus in Athens by Luke.
Abstract: In Political Liberalism, expanded edition, Rawls repeatedly wants religions to accept liberal democracy for intrinsic reasons from their own religious premises, not as a modus vivendi. This article is to be considered an exploration in that field. In the first part the narrative of the St. Paul’s speech before the Areopagus in Athens by Luke is hermeneutically analyzed, as it tries to find common ground with Hellenistic philosophy and to do so by using deliberative rhetoric. In the second part these two characteristics of the Lukean story are considered the building blocks for the intrinsic acceptance of liberal democracy, albeit not in a substantive, but a formal key. The common ground Luke explored then was religious in nature, whereas in our days, at least in North-Western Europe, religion belongs to a cognitive minority. Moreover philosophy does not provide a common ground either, as there is a pluralism of competing schools nowadays. But intercontextual hermeneutics metaphorically permits to draw the following quadratic equation: as Lukean Paul related the Christian message to his philosophical context in order to find common ground, so we are to relate it to our context, the common ground of which is not philosophical, but political, which refers to the context of public reason. This article argues for accepting Rawls’ concept of using a bilingual language game for religion to present its religious convictions into the public debate and in due course translate them in terms of public reason. Such a translation requires a deliberative argumentation, that corresponds to the rules of logics and epistemology in practical reason.

15 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Rawls consistently underscores reciprocity (Rawls 2005, xliii, 48–54, 441–445)....

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  • ...…cites approvingly is the way the then cardinal Bernadin of Chicago expressed his view on abortion – the content of which Rawls personally repudiates (Rawls 2005,, 243–244, n.32) – in nonreligious terms, namely public peace, essential protections of human rights (i.e. allegedly the right to life)…...

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  • ...He affirms the view of the Islamic scholar Abdullahi Ah- med An-Na’im, who argues that Muslim grounds for such acceptance may not be derived from the teachings of the Medina period but from the earlier Mecca period (Rawls 2005, 461, n. 46)....

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  • ...They are: freedom and equality as reflected in civil liberties and rights, plus opportunities to realise these; the rule of law; and the majority principle (Rawls 2005, xlvi, 6, 156–157, 450; Maffetone 2010, 57)....

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  • ...Rawls maintains that it does not have to be based on exclusively political considerations, but on actual religious doctrines also (Rawls 2005, 461)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors complete some of Rawls's arguments and show that he has grounds for including political liberties, particularly those of a democratic nature, in the principle of equal basic liberty.
Abstract: Despite the vast literature on Rawls's work, few have discussed his arguments for the value of democracy. When his arguments have been discussed, they have received staunch criticism. Some critics have charged that Rawls's arguments are not deeply democratic. Others have gone further, claiming that Rawls's arguments denigrate democracy. These criticisms are unsurprising, since Rawls's arguments, as arguments that the principle of equal basic liberty needs to include democratic liberties, are incomplete. In contrast to his trenchant remarks about core civil liberties, Rawls does not say much about the inclusion of political liberties of a democratic sort – such as the right to vote – among the basic liberties. In this paper, I complete some of Rawls's arguments and show that he has grounds for including political liberties, particularly those of a democratic nature, in the principle of equal basic liberty. In doing so, I make some beginning steps toward illustrating the genuinely democratic nature of Rawls...

15 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…‘a moral psychology drawn from the political conception of justice as fairness . . . not a psychology originating in the sciences of human nature but rather a scheme of concepts and principles for expressing a certain political conception of the person and an ideal of citizenship’ (Rawls 1996, 87)....

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  • ...‘To say that these interests are “higher-order” interests means that, as the fundamental idea of the person is specified, these interests are viewed as basic and hence as normally regulative and effective’ (Rawls 1996, 74)....

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  • ...…the two moral powers, the capacity for justice and the capacity for a conception of the good, necessary to be a fully cooperating member of society; (2) a sense of one’s equal worth rooted in the belief that one’s conception of the good and plan of life are worth carrying out (Rawls 1996, 319)....

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  • ...Thus, Rawls suggests, ‘self-respect depends upon and is encouraged by certain public features of basic social institutions, how they work and how people who accept these arrangements are expected to (and normally do) regard and treat one another’ (Rawls 1996, 319)....

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  • ...This justification includes everything that would be said when the system of justice is set up and why we would proceed in one way rather than another (Rawls 1996, 67)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The District of Columbia Opportunity Scholarship Program (OSP) as mentioned in this paper is a school voucher initiative targeted to disadvantaged students in the US Capital, where students with family incomes near or below the federal poverty line can receive a voucher.
Abstract: The District of Columbia Opportunity Scholarship Program (OSP) is a school voucher initiative targeted to disadvantaged students in the US Capital. Vouchers worth up to $7,500 annually are awarded by lottery to students with family incomes near or below the federal poverty line. Students can then use their voucher at any of 60 participating private schools in DC. Is this program just? From the perspective of Rawlsian liberalism, an education program is just if it expands opportunity equally for all or at least improves the prospects for the “least advantaged” affected group. Since the OSP is a targeted program and not universally available to all students, it must satisfy Rawls's second condition, called “the difference principle”, in order to be viewed as just. Evidence from a rigorous evaluation of the program suggests that the DC voucher program advances the cause of social justice, but with an important caveat.

15 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...The theory I consult principally includes Milton Friedman’s economic theory of education (1955) and John Rawls’ principles of justice (Rawls 1971, 1993)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine three pivotal aspects of Tamir's argument for cultural rights and argue that, in each case, they fail to honour the value of individual autonomy, and in ways parallel to Kymlicka's argument.
Abstract: Liberal nationalists such as Yael Tamir and Will Kymlicka have argued for an extravagant range of cultural rights based on respect for individual autonomy. I present an alternative account of the moral import of liberal autonomy for the status of cultural minorities. The article examines three pivotal aspects of Tamir's argument for cultural rights and argues that, in each case, Tamir's position fails to honour the value of individual autonomy, and in ways parallel to Kymlicka's argument. These shared difficulties point to some basic ontological and moral properties of a genuine autonomy-based defence of cultural rights.

15 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations