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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Dissertation
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that political engagement and civic learning is most effective when primary schools commit themselves to deliberately embedding a set of democratic educational principles in everyday practices, and that there may be a relationship between parental socio-economic background and the possibilities available for students to engage in effective civic learning and citizenship practices.
Abstract: This thesis is set in the Western Australian education system and centres on the question of how primary schools can actively foster conditions conducive to creating and sustaining education in and for democracy and human rights. In Australia, as elsewhere, there is a widespread acceptance of the need for democratic education also referred to as civics and citizenship education. The perceived lack of public understanding of democratic principles and practices has, in the last decade, led various Australian governments to commit significant resources ($ 31.6 million) to civics and citizenship education programmes such as Discovering Democracy (DD). This thesis argues that political engagement and civic learning is most effective when schools commit themselves to deliberately embedding a set of democratic educational principles in everyday practices. In contrast to traditional approaches to citizenship education that tend to focus on the operational aspects of representative governments, institutions and history, this thesis argues that education for Democracy and Human Rights (DaHR) can be effectively achieved through the fostering of DaHR in education. In this task the thesis draws on the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). The CRC is rooted in a range of basic values about the treatment of children in schools and elsewhere, and encompasses basic rights to which children are entitled. The study empirically investigates through up close observations, interviews and surveys the efficacy of pedagogy for civic and citizenship learning in four schools identified as places of strong democratic practice. This study was able to identify particular commonalities between the four case study schools that were conducive to creating and sustaining democratic principles and practices. These schools, although very different in their composition, were lead by principals who shared the view that children under their care were subjects in the making with increasing rights and responsibilities rather than objects to be manipulated, controlled and protected. The findings suggest that experiencing democracy and human rights in daily school life in a variety of situations and on a number of different levels can effectively contribute to the learning of the meaning and advantages of democratic values such as the rule of law, participatory decision-making and due process. It also concludes that there may be a relationship between parental socio-economic background and the possibilities available for students to engage in effective civic learning and citizenship practices. The relationship between socio-economic background and other structural factors including gender and ethnicity in relation to possibilities of civic learning needs to be investigated in a larger study.

15 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nina Witoszek1
26 Feb 2016
TL;DR: In this article, the authors conceptualize the diverse responses and solutions to the environmental and climate crisis as a battle of modernities, where a well-entrenched and efficient "carbon modernity" is increasingly challenged by alternative visions of social well-being and industrial development.
Abstract: This paper conceptualizes the diverse responses and solutions to the environmental and climate crisis as a battle of modernities, where a well-entrenched and efficient ‘carbon modernity’ is increasingly challenged by alternative visions of social well-being and industrial development. This ‘battle’ shows that, although the twenty-first century’s scenarios of a sustainable future may vary, the common rallying cry is most often for the mobilization of modernity’s innovative potential to get the planet out of its current predicament, and less so the idea of a return to a Spartan, pre-modern nature-utopia. There is now a plethora of concepts describing the greening of modernity, from ‘sustainable development’, ‘ecological modernization’, ‘green growth’ and ‘transformation’ to the ‘post-growth’, ‘no-growth’ or even ‘de-growth’ economy. The paper contends that it is time to put these concepts – and their accompanying practices – into dialogue with one another and imbue them with an overarching cultural objectiv...

14 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…gambit going back to Plato, Epicurus and later, to thinkers like Rousseau, Hobbes and Locke, Edmund Burke and, more recently, John Rawls (Rawls, 1993; Rawls, 1999/ 1971).18 This social contract – which has codified Western modernity’s aspirations until the Age of Anthropocene – has…...

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  • ...The classical social contract has been a theoretical gambit going back to Plato, Epicurus and later, to thinkers like Rousseau, Hobbes and Locke, Edmund Burke and, more recently, John Rawls (Rawls, 1993; Rawls, 1999/ 1971).18 This social contract – which has codified Western modernity’s aspirations until the Age of Anthropocene – has highlighted such values as the pursuit of happiness, self-actualization, economic growth, material affluence, political participation, and – in the more recent framework of a sustainable future – it factored in the needs of future generations....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Self-authorship has been established as the basis of an influential liberal principle of legislation and public policy as discussed by the authors, and being the author of one's own life is a significant component of one’s own we...
Abstract: Self-authorship has been established as the basis of an influential liberal principle of legislation and public policy. Being the author of one’s own life is a significant component of one’s own we...

14 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...John Rawls, for example, constructed a theory of justice with the image of the autonomous person in mind, a person who desires above all to set and pursue her own plans in life (Rawls, 1971)....

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  • ...Proponents of political neutrality include Ronald Dworkin (1978), Bruce Ackerman (1980), Charles Larmore (1987), Gerald Gaus (1996), and John Rawls (1993)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Leverhulme Trust in funding the research on which this paper is based under grant number F/00 152/AK as mentioned in this paper, was used for the research in this paper.
Abstract: Leverhulme Trust in funding the research on which this paper is based under grant number F/00 152/AK.

14 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, public happiness is presented as a feature of the system of right that defines the political relationship between citizens, as opposed to their personal mental states, desires or well-being.
Abstract: Theories of happiness usually consider happiness as something that matters to us from a first-person perspective. In this paper, I defend a conception of public happiness that is distinct from private or first-person happiness. Public happiness is presented as a feature of the system of right that defines the political relationship between citizens, as opposed to their personal mental states, desires or well-being. I begin by outlining the main features of public happiness as an Enlightenment ideal. Next, I relate the distinction between the political and the personal to the distinction between having normative reasons for a particular political arrangement and merely having a ‘pro-attitude’ towards a state of affairs that accords with one's preferred definition of happiness. Following this, I demonstrate why well-being, understood as a normative rather than a purely descriptive conception of personal happiness, nevertheless cannot serve as a normative reason in the political domain. In the final section,...

14 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...They would therefore have to be public rather than purely personal reasons: that is, reasons that are both made public, and that are formulated from a public point of view, namely ‘the point of view of you and me’ (Rawls 1993: p. 98)....

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References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations