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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The non-reciprocity problem appears to deliver a decisive blow to reciprocity-based theories of justice as mentioned in this paper, since future generations are not asymmetrically vulnerable to our actions.
Abstract: Many of us share a strong intuitive sense that acts or policies that gravely threaten future people's well-being violate the requirements of justice. This intuition has proven problematic for theories that found justice on reciprocity because future people are viewed as powerless to reciprocate our actions towards them. The non-reciprocity problem appears to deliver a decisive blow to reciprocity-based theories of justice. I wish to dispute this view. I point to two well-known facts about human existence – generations overlap continuously and the old depend upon the young – to show that future generations are not asymmetrically vulnerable to our actions, and therefore that justice as reciprocity is not vulnerable to the non-reciprocity problem.
14 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...It is striking that nowhere in his discussion of justice between generations is the fact of their intersection indicated by Rawls (in particular, see Rawls, 1993, pp. 273–4; 1999, pp. 254–5; 2001, pp. 159–60)....
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TL;DR: According to as discussed by the authors, the right of the citizen is the right to equality of opportunity, and further, the "equality of status is more important than equality of income" (p. 65).
Abstract: around major contemporary processes such as democratization, consolidation and/or integration, welfare entitlements, and global migration. Those processes provide a framework for understanding individual rights and sociopolitical conflicts within a nation-state. Consequently, in nationalist perspectives, citizenship is the social glue that enables the liberation of a “portion of humanity from tribal loyalties and its fusion into a voluntary civic community” (Shafir, 1998, p. 3), thus forging a sense of common culture and shared destiny. Citizenship, Marshall (1992) asserts, is a status bestowed on those who are full members of a community. All who possess such status are equal with respect to the rights and duties with which the status is endowed. For Marshall, “The right of the citizen . . . is the right to equality of opportunity” (p. 65), and further, the “equality of status is more important than equality of income” (p. 56). According to Marshall, citizenship consists of three elements: civil, political, and social. The civil element is composed of the rights necessary for individual freedom, such as liberty of the person; freedom of speech, thought and faith; the right to own property and to conclude valid contracts; and the right to justice. Marshall characterizes that the “right to justice” more specifically as the right to due process through the courts of justice. The political element of citizenship is the right to participate in the exercise of political power, to vote or run for office such as parliament or the councils of local government. The social element, which ranges from the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the fullest in social heritage, in essence defines the right to live the life of a civilized person according to the standards prevailing in the society. Therefore, by definition, social citizenship rights are most closely connected with the educational system and social service. Claiming that citizenship defines the relationship between individuals and the state, Klausen (1995, p. 249) asserts that the process of state-building affects the norms of citizenship (also see Brubaker, 1996, 1998; Hobsbawm, 1990; Li, 1998, p. 7; Marshall, 1992). Of particular interest is what Benedict Anderson (1983) terms the “imagined community” of the nation-building
14 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the planetary scale of the problem of climate change is discussed and a reference to responsibility is made in the context of the discussion of the global scale of this problem.
Abstract: Reference to responsibility is prominent in discussions of climate change of every kind. Certain dimensions of the issue call it forth. These include, above all, the planetary scale of the problem ...
14 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…the capacity for individual reflection, and hence individual taking of responsibility, must be a core aspiration of any democratic political system, individuals do not act alone, nor do they even reflect beyond the mediation of others, pace Rawls’s theory of reflective equilibrium (Rawls, 1993)....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations