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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The admissions practices of the most highly selective colleges and universities of the United States are under scrutiny for their failure to enroll poor and working-class students (Douthat, 2005; Karabel, 2005, Klein, 2005). This negative attention has been spearheaded by findings reported in two important books examining the shortage of low-income students at the pinnacle of American higher education, Equity and Excellence in Higher Education by William Bowen, Martin Kurzweil, and Eugene Tobin (2005) and America's Untapped Resource: Low-Income Students in Higher education, edited by Richard Kah
Abstract: The admissions practices of the most highly selective colleges and universities of the United States are under scrutiny for their failure to enroll poor and working-class students (Douthat, 2005; Karabel, 2005; Klein, 2005). This negative attention has been spearheaded by findings reported in two important books examining the shortage of low-income students at the pinnacle of American higher education, Equity and Excellence in Higher Education by William Bowen, Martin Kurzweil, and Eugene Tobin (2005) and America's Untapped Resource: Low-Income Students in Higher Education, edited by Richard Kahlenberg (2004), as well as by research articles (e.g. Winston & Hill, 2005). In a chapter in the Kahlenberg text, for example, Carnevale andRose reported that only 3% of freshmen entering 146 highly selective institutions in 1992 came from the lowest quartile of a socioeconomic status (SES) index and about 10% came from the entire bottom half of the SES distribution (2004, p. 106). Demonstrating a highly skewed distribution of access, nearly three fourths (74%) of students enrolled at these institutions come from the highest SES quartile. Contributing further attention to the lack of socioeconomic diversity at elites, Thomas Mortenson of the Pell Institute for the Study of Opportunity in Higher Education began ranking prestigious schools according to their success or failure in enrolling financially needy students, as indicated by the proportion of the student body receiving federal Pell grants (Fischer, 2006a). The findings of these studies have been widely reported (see, for example, Fischer, 2006a; Gose, 2005; Hong, 2005; Selingo & Brainard, 2006), inspiring headlines such as "The chorus grows louder for class-based affirmative action" (Gose, 2005). The controversy raises substantial questions about the way in which valuable educational resources are distributed and the definitions of merit that prevail when elite institutions choose among numerous qualified candidates. Family affluence clearly affects what type of college a student attends or whether they go to college at all. This is shown, for example, by differences in college participation by high-and low-income students with "medium-high preparedness"--in other words, those who are not at the top of their class but are well qualified for college. Only 3% of wellqualified students from high-income families did not attend college, in comparison to 13% of those from low-income families. Well-qualified students from high-income families were also much more likely to attend a high-priced college than were their low-income peers (52% vs. 20%) (Hoxby, 2000, cited in Bowen et al., 2005, p. 87). Socioeconomic inequalities in college enrollments raise troubling issues for education in a democratic society. Providing students with the opportunity to enroll at a college appropriate for their level of academic ability, regardless of family circumstances, is a cornerstone of higher education policy (Bowen et al., 2005; Kahlenberg, 2004; St. John, 2003). Maintaining this commitment has become more challenging as per capita government funding for college operating subsidies and low-income student aid has declined (Archibald & Feldman, 2006; Trends in Student Aid, 2006; Weerts & Ronca, 2006). As the returns to a college degree have increased, so has demand (Education Pays, 2006), particularly for spots at highly selective colleges, whose graduates enjoy an even higher earnings premium than others (Eide, Brewer, & Ehrenberg, 1998). Students at elite colleges enjoy additional benefits as well, including a greater likelihood of degree completion and greater access tograduate and professional study (Carnevale & Rose, 2004). These benefits have spawned intense competition for enrollment at highly selective colleges, and the recent increases in socioeconomic inequities in access (Astin & Oseguera, 2004) suggest that upper-income students have successfully utilized their numerous advantages to win this competition. …
93 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(For other philosophical and political-economic discussions concerning the allocation of educational opportunity, see Howe, 1997; Klitgaard, 1985; McPherson & Schapiro, 1990; Rawls, 1993)....
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a theoretical approach that does not predetermine the answer to the question of what order is possible as do realism as well as idealism, and provisionally assesses whether the EU in fact complies with it.
Abstract: The parameters of power politics have changed in Europe and the EU exports the rule of law, democracy and human rights worldwide. The criteria for judging the polity's normative quality may be derived from cosmopolitanism, i.e. whether it subjects its actions to the constraints of a higher ranking law. The author establishes this criteria, its theoretical and institutional underpinnings, and provisionally assesses whether the EU in fact complies with it. We may question whether the EU's external foreign and security policy is actually consistent with cosmopolitan tenets but we need an approach that does not rule this out as a logical possibility. We thus need a theoretical approach that does not predetermine the answer to the question of what order is possible as do realism as well as idealism.
90 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…merely be seen as rational in the sense that they form preferences and pursue them consistently, but also as entities having the capacity of being reasonable in the sense that they possess a notion of what is just and fair (Rawls 1993: 49) and what is communicatively rational (Habermas 1996: 5)....
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TL;DR: This paper argued that no account of social and moral responsibility could be given in terms of rights alone, and that an ethics of virtuous character can be conceived independently of communitarian or other social constructivist perspectives on the source of moral virtues and values.
Abstract: It seems often to have been thought that we need to make some kind of theoretical and/or practical choice between (liberal) moral, social and political conceptions of social order and citizenship focused on principles (rights and/or duties) and (communitarian or other) perspectives focused on virtue and character. This essay argues that no such tensions arise on a more universalistic virtue ethical conception of moral formation divorced from communitarian or other attachment to politics of local identity. In the course of making this claim, the paper argues that: (i) no account of social and moral responsibility – and hence of citizenship – could be given in terms of rights alone; (ii) virtue ethics, properly construed, is far from eschewing reference to general principles; (iii) an ethics of virtuous character can be conceived independently of communitarian or other social constructivist perspectives on the source of moral virtues and values. The paper concludes with an exploration of some implications o...
90 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Thus, on post-Kantian views of liberalism, of the sort to be found (for example) in the work of John Rawls (1985, 1993) rights are correlative to duties and cannot be understood apart from the civil obligations implicit in any assent, however tacit, to the social contract....
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TL;DR: In this article, aufmerksamkeitsgewinn, den das Thema Religion in der Offentlichkeit seit einigen Jahren erfahrt, kann auch die Religionssoziologie einen neuen Aufschwung verzeichnen.
Abstract: Mit dem Aufmerksamkeitsgewinn, den das Thema Religion in der Offentlichkeit seit einigen Jahren erfahrt, kann auch die Religionssoziologie einen neuen Aufschwung verzeichnen. Einleitend in das vorliegende religionssoziologische Sonderheft zeichnen wir die institutionelle und intellektuelle Entwicklung der deutschsprachigen Religionssoziologie seit der Nachkriegszeit nach und erlautern funf aktuelle Trends des Faches. Sie betreffen Kontroversen um den Begriff der Religion, die Debatten um Sakularisierung, methodologische Fragen des soziologischen Erklarens, interdisziplinare Forschung zu Religionen unter Bedingungen von Globalisierung sowie die Weiterentwicklung quantitativer und qualitativer Forschungsmethoden. Insgesamt deutet die Entwicklung in eine entschieden global-komparative Ausrichtung der Religionssoziologie, die wir mit einem knappen Ausblick auf zukunftige Forschungsperspektiven zusammenfassen.
89 citations
TL;DR: This paper investigated the conditions under which effective deliberation is likely to occur in contemporary political debates in Australia, concerned with how the Australian polity should be constituted in light of a reform agenda underpinned by a discourse termed "Inclusive Republicanism".
Abstract: Democratic theorists increasingly stress that democratic legitimacy rests primarily on authentic deliberation. Critics of deliberative democracy believe that this hope is unrealistic—that deliberation either will prove intractable across political differences or will exacerbate instability. This paper deploys some tools of political psychology, notably Q methodology and values analysis, to investigate the conditions under which effective deliberation is likely to occur. These tools are applied to contemporary political debates in Australia, concerned with how the Australian polity should be constituted in light of a reform agenda underpinned by a discourse we term “Inclusive Republicanism.” An investigation of the character of the basic value commitments associated with discursive positions in these debates shows that some differences will yield to deliberation, but others will not. When two discourses subscribe to different value bases, deliberation will induce reflection and facilitate positive-sum outcomes. When a discourse has a value base but finds its specific goals opposed by a competitor that otherwise has no value base of its own, deliberation will be ineffective. When one discourse subscribes to a value base that another questions, but without providing an alternative, deliberation can help to bridge idealism and cynicism.
88 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
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Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
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