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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

John Rawls, 俊人 万
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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Journal Article•DOI•
Ideas of justice and reconstructions of Confucian justice

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Tim Murphy1, Ralph Weber2•
Charles III University of Madrid1, University of Basel2
15 Apr 2016-Asian Philosophy
TL;DR: Chan et al. as discussed by the authors examined and compared reconstructions of Confucian justice by Joseph Chan, May Sim, and Fan Ruiping, and concluded that there is a richness and vitality to ConfucIAN justice theory that merits proper consideration in justice theory conceived as a truly global and cosmopolitan discipline.
Abstract: Confucianism tends to play only a marginal role in current theorizing about justice, which is a global pursuit dominated by Western theory and its strong tendency to assume that justice refers to some substantive conception of distributive, socioeconomic justice. This article examines and compares reconstructions of Confucian justice by Joseph Chan, May Sim, and Fan Ruiping. Each reconstruction makes reference to both classical and modern Western justice theory and thus each involves a comparative approach; indeed, each reconstruction seeks ultimately, in its own distinctive fashion, to present a version of Confucian justice that is comparable with modern Western justice theory. In this article we assess, critically and comparatively, the tertium comparationis and the arguments in each reconstruction. While our analysis does not wholly endorse any of the reconstructions, it shows that there is a richness and vitality to Confucian justice theory that merits proper consideration in justice theory conceived as a truly global and cosmopolitan discipline.

13 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Walk the Talk: Financial Fairness in European Club Football

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Mathias Schubert1, Francisco Javier López Frías2•
University of Mainz1, Pennsylvania State University2
02 Jan 2019-Sport, Ethics and Philosophy
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that UEFA's Financial Fair Play (FFP) regulations should go beyond the mere pragmatic goal of promoting financial sustainability and truly aim for creating a level playing field, otherwise it should not be labeled "fair play".
Abstract: UEFA’s Financial Fair Play (FFP) regulations represent the most restrictive regulatory intervention European club football has ever seen. Put simply, it demands from clubs to operate on the basis of their own football-related incomes. While the policy has attracted considerable attention from the economic and social sciences, very few contributions systematically investigate it from a philosophical-ethical perspective. The present paper fills this research gap by posing questions on FFP in relation to fair play as a normative concept. We draw on sport economic assessments concerning potential outcomes of FFP and argue that the policy should go beyond the mere pragmatic goal of promoting financial sustainability and truly aim for creating a level playing field, otherwise it should not be labeled ‘fair play’.

13 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...(Rawls 1993, 5–6) The second principle of justice enforces and promotes impartiality and equality of opportunity, while the first principle assigns rights and duties equally (Rawls 1958, 7)....

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Dissertation•
Negotiating and constructing religious identities in English secondary schools : a study of the reported experiences of adolescent Christians, Jews, and Muslims

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Daniel Peter James Moulin
01 Jan 2013
TL;DR: This article investigated the schooling experiences of 99 adolescent Christians, Jews and Muslims at eleven places of worship and applied a theoretical model based on the Students' Multiple World Framework in conjunction with concepts of religious identity negotiation and construction.
Abstract: The increasing diversity of societies is one of the most important educational issues of the globalised era. However, while some attention has been paid to the schooling experiences of racial, ethnic and immigrant minorities in Western societies, little research has been conducted with religious adolescents. This thesis explores the complexities of religious adolescents’ experiences of English secondary schools. As an exploratory study, I employed an emergent research design carrying out loosely-structured, group and single interviews at eleven places of worship to investigate the schooling experiences of 99 adolescent Christians, Jews and Muslims. In order to interpret their reported experiences, I applied a theoretical model based on the Students’ Multiple World Framework in conjunction with concepts of religious identity negotiation and construction. The interview data show how Christians, Jews and Muslims negotiate their religious identities in the context of the numerous challenges presented by secondary schools in a religiously plural and largely secular society. In classroom worlds participants perceived their religious traditions to be distorted, inaccurately or unfairly represented. In peer worlds participants reported that they could experience prejudice, and criticism of their beliefs. Christians, Jews and Muslims reported two principal management strategies in the face of these challenges, either: declaring their religious identity openly, or by masking it in public. The findings of this study are highly relevant to debates about the role of religion in education, including those concerning faith and Church schools and the nature and purpose of the curriculum subject Religious Education.

13 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…according to, religious traditions and organisations (in a weak or strong sense), is a fundamental human right in an open, liberal society – justifiable given the nature and reasonableness of religious beliefs and of religious upbringing (Popper, 1945; UN, 1948; Rawls, 1993; Habermas, 2006)....

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  • ...My approach rests on the premise that voluntary adherence to, and familial affiliation or upbringing according to, religious traditions and organisations (in a weak or strong sense), is a fundamental human right in an open, liberal society – justifiable given the nature and reasonableness of religious beliefs and of religious upbringing (Popper, 1945; UN, 1948; Rawls, 1993; Habermas, 2006)....

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  • ...This project was founded on the assumption that, given the ‘fact of reasonable pluralism’ (Rawls, 1993), in an open, liberal society, individuals, families and communities have the right to adhere to, practise, and believe in a religion (Popper, 1945; UN, 1948)....

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  • ...‘fact of reasonable pluralism’ in contemporary western societies (Rawls, 1993)....

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  • ...…that the secularisation thesis has only been partly realised, use terms such as ‘desecularisation’ (Berger, 1999) or ‘post-secular’ (Habermas, 2006) to describe the resurgence or continued presence of religions as a ‘fact of reasonable pluralism’ in contemporary western societies (Rawls, 1993)....

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Journal Article•DOI•
Australianness as fairness: Implications for cosmopolitan encounters

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Stefanie Plage1, Indigo Willing2, Zlatko Skrbis3, Ian Woodward4•
University of New South Wales1, Griffith University2, Monash University3, University of Southern Denmark4
01 Jun 2017-Journal of Sociology
TL;DR: The authors explored how the notion of Australianness grounded in civic virtues such as fairness, openness and egalitarianism effectively enhances cosmopolitan outlooks and identified the mechanisms through which these same virtues are mobilized to rationalize the failure to actualize cosmopolitanism in everyday practice.
Abstract: This article provides an account of interwoven and often competing repertoires of cosmopolitanism and nationalism on which Australians draw when encountering diversity. Using interview and focus group data the article first explores how the notion of Australianness grounded in civic virtues such as fairness, openness and egalitarianism effectively enhances cosmopolitan outlooks. It identifies the mechanisms through which these same virtues are mobilized to rationalize the failure to actualize cosmopolitanism in everyday practice. We argue that Australianness understood as the popular ‘fair-go’ principle at times conceptually overlaps with cosmopolitan ethics. However, it also bears the potential to hinder cosmopolitan practices. Ultimately national and cosmopolitan ethical frameworks have to be interrogated simultaneously when applied to micro-level interactions.

13 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Partisanship and public reason

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Matteo Bonotti1•
Queen's University Belfast1
12 Mar 2014-Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that even on the basis of a mild understanding of Rawls's political liberalism, which takes into account the various stipulations Rawls provided throughout his later work, when applied to partisans the constraints of public reason lose none or little of their hindering force.
Abstract: In the large body of literature concerning John Rawls’s Political Liberalism (1993) and his conception of public reason, little attention has been paid to the implications that the constraints of public reason have for partisans, i.e. citizens who participate in politics through political parties. This paper argues that even on the basis of a ‘mild’ understanding of Rawls’s conception of the constraints of public reason, which takes into account the various stipulations Rawls provided throughout his later work, when applied to partisans the constraints of public reason lose none or little of their hindering force. This seriously undermines the contribution that parties and partisans can provide to the change and the varieties of public reason that Rawls himself advocates as a response to social change and, therefore, to political justification and legitimacy. Parties articulate, coordinate and enhance societal demands which, without their support, may remain unheard and fail to change the acceptable terms of public reason and political justification. If the political speech of partisans is restrained, this potential for change (and, therefore, its contribution to political legitimacy) is seriously undermined.

13 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…that, by hindering the political speech of partisans, the constraints of public reason seriously undermine the contribution that parties and partisans can provide to the change and the varieties of public reason that Rawls himself advocates as a response to social change (Rawls 2005b, p. 452)....

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  • ...Second, Rawls’s analysis suggests that public reason (e.g. during electoral campaigns) applies to all partisans, i.e. not only to elected partisans and party candidates but also to ‘other groups who support them’ (Rawls 2005a, p. 215)....

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  • ...…in public political discussion at any time, provided that in due course proper political reasons – and not reasons given solely by comprehensive doctrines – are presented that are sufficient to support whatever the comprehensive doctrines introduced are said to support’ (Rawls 2005a, p. 462)....

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  • ...In ‘The idea of public reason revisited’, Rawls (2005b) reinforces this claim and argues that ‘it is not a legal duty, for in that case it would be incompatible with freedom of speech’ (Rawls 2005a, p. 445)....

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  • ...Fundamental versus non-fundamental matters Rawls, it is well-known, argues that public reason does not apply to all political matters but solely ‘to those involving what we may call “constitutional essentials” and questions of basic justice’ (Rawls 2005a, p. 214)....

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References
More filters
Journal Article•DOI•
Political liberalism: Reasonableness and democratic practice

[...]

Sebastiano Maffettone
01 Sep 2004-Philosophy & Social Criticism
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Human Development and Economic Sustainability

[...]

Sudhir Anand1, Amartya Sen2•
University of Oxford1, University of Cambridge2
01 Dec 2000-World Development
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Multiple modernities: Kitchens for an African elite

[...]

Deborah Pellow1•
Syracuse University1
01 Mar 2015-Home Cultures
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Survey Article: The Coming of Age of Deliberative Democracy

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James Bohman1•
Saint Louis University1
01 Dec 1998-Journal of Political Philosophy
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Recognition without Ethics

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Nancy Fraser1•
The New School1
01 Jun 2001-Theory, Culture & Society
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations