Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the legitimacy of power among the participants in Democratic Dialogic Education and discuss what diverse interplays between power and critical dialogue may look like as a result of this legitimacy.
Abstract: The issue of legitimacy or illegitimacy of power is central for practices of democracy, critical dialogue, and education. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the legitimacy of power among the participants in Democratic Dialogic Education. Although in the modern practices of political democracy and existing institutionalized education, the presence of power is not an issue—they all are heavily based on power—the question is whether and how much this power is legitimate and desired for flourishing democracy, dialogue, and education. Starting from the Age of Enlightenment, if not before in ancient Greece, the legitimacy of authority and power in general has been under suspicion. There have been philosophical efforts to delegitimize power and authority, fully eliminate them, or at least subordinate them to intellectual endeavors of a pursuit of reason, science, hard facts, laws of nature, smart democratic procedures, and rational consensus. However, some other scholars argue that this approach ironically leads to results opposite to those that have been envisioned by the Enlightenment movement: violence, intolerance, wars, illiberalism, dogmatism, corruption, fanaticism, irrationality, repressions, and suppression of dissent. Following this criticism, we will try to rehabilitate the notion of authority and power in Democratic Dialogic Education (and, in our lesser focus, in democracy) and discuss what diverse interplays between power and critical dialogue may look like as a result of this legitimacy of power. Before we start, we want to provide a few definitions of the terms we use here. In our view, “power” involves the imposition of ideas, wills, and demands on people who would not engage in these ideas, wills, and demands on their own without this imposition. We define “authority” as legitimate power recognized by the people on whom power is imposed. We view “critical dialogue” as (primarily) ontological testing of ideas similar to Mikhail M. Bakhtin’s (1991) notion of “internally persuasive discourse”, where “internal” is defined as internal to the discourse and not necessarily to an individual (Matusov and von Duyke, 2010).
13 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…Rawls, reasonable persons are persons “who have realized their two moral powers to a degree sufficient to be free and equal citizens in a constitutional regime, and who have an enduring desire to honor fair terms of cooperation and to be fully cooperating members of society” (Rawls, 1993, p. 55)....
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TL;DR: The authors examine ways in which political philosophers have responded to the issue of faith-based schools and argue that values are plural and often irreconcilable, drawing on the moral and political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin, they argue the need, not for reconciliation, but for compromise.
Abstract: What does the political philosophy of the last two decades have to teach that might shed light on proposals to increase the number and diversify the types of faith-based community schools? Liberal educators have often expressed concern about the apparent parochialism of faith-based education and favoured instead a more cosmopolitan version of education which aims to take individuals beyond the boundaries of the here and now. In this paper I shall examine ways in which political philosophers have responded to the issue of faith-based schools. These responses can broadly be categorised as liberal, communitarian or, more usually, as attempts to reconcile these two perspectives. Drawing on the moral and political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin, which states that values are plural and often irreconcilable, I shall argue the need, not for reconciliation, but for compromise. Any resolution of the debate about the desirability of faith-based schooling will have to acknowledge a need for choices between irreconcilabl...
13 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...In a later attempt to make liberalism more appropriate for service in culturally diverse societies, Rawls (1993) introduced the concept of ‘political liberalism’....
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Dissertation•
18 Oct 2013
TL;DR: The authors argue that there is a deep and legitimate challenge here that should neither be dismissed nor combined with superficially similar puzzles, rather, for those of us wishing to maintain a comfortably moderate view about the demands of morality, the challenge is to find something to say that doesn't smack of mere rationalization.
Abstract: Peter Singer’s famine-relief argument forces attention upon a class of requirements that make demands of an interesting kind. These are requirements to rescue another when hardly anything is at stake for the would-be rescuer and yet the utmost is at stake for the would-be rescuee. It is common to regard such requirements as moral duties, with all the significance that this implies. Since, however, the circumstances in which such duties apply can apparently repeat ad infinitum, the cumulative costs of compliance threaten to become shockingly great. I argue that there is a deep and legitimate challenge here that should neither be dismissed nor combined with superficially similar puzzles. Rather, for those of us wishing to maintain a comfortably moderate view about the demands of morality, the challenge is to find something to say that doesn’t smack of mere rationalization. It is the kind of challenge that, when duly addressed, is likely to force broader changes in the way we think. Broadly speaking, my method is to give successive clarifications of the challenge interspersed with attempts to locate and develop the most promising conservative response to it. Clarifications of the challenge inform the response, which in turn allows refinements to the challenge. The result is a clarified version of the famine-relief argument along with a comfortably moderate response that, while it asks us to accept
13 citations
Book•
03 Dec 2008
13 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...This represents an interesting variation of the social contract, as free and equal citizens of ‘most need’ now have improved dealings with institutions, and those with “greater bargaining advantages” are restricted to some extent (Rawls, 1993, p. 23)....
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the assumption about a naturalised link between toleration and coexistence is problematic and might well be counter-productive and propose an alternative interpretation of tolerance that highlights the antagonism between conflicting communities.
Abstract: In this paper, the author shows that the issue of whether toleration promotes coexistence is controversial and therefore needs careful consideration in light of the complexities that are involved in understanding and teaching toleration in the schools of conflict and post-conflict societies. In particular, this paper offers a critique to the interpretation of toleration-as-respect as a means of fostering coexistence in education. A vignette from the author’s ethnographic research is used to support the argument that the assumption about a ‘naturalised’ link between toleration and coexistence is problematic and might well be counter-productive. It is shown that there exists an alternative interpretation of tolerance that highlights the antagonism between conflicting communities. Finally, the paper proposes an account of how an ethics of responsibility and hospitality may provide valuable alternatives that enrich existing interpretations of toleration and coexistence in educational settings of conflicting s...
12 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...A common assumption in this literature is that the constructs of tolerance and toleration have emerged in the West after the Enlightenment and describe the willingness to live with differences that one might disapprove of, either as an individual or as a community (see Rawls 1993)....
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...Toleration: definitions and approaches The complexity of the meaning(s) and implications of toleration is evident in the enormous literature that exists on the topic (e.g. Galeotti 2002; Gutmann 1994; McKinnon 2006; Mendus 1989, 2000; Rawls 1993; Walzer 1997; Williams and Waldron 2008)....
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...The complexity of the meaning(s) and implications of toleration is evident in the enormous literature that exists on the topic (e.g. Galeotti 2002; Gutmann 1994; McKinnon 2006; Mendus 1989, 2000; Rawls 1993; Walzer 1997; Williams and Waldron 2008)....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations