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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
Peter Jones1
TL;DR: How far his notion of MV matches the reality of contemporary political systems and whether ‘liberal moralism’ is quite as divorced from reality or as devoid of practical consequence as his political theory of MV would have us believe are considered.
Abstract: One of John Horton's most original and significant contributions to political theory is his development and exploration of the political theory of modus vivendi (MV). I examine what Horton understands a MV to be, what sort of theory he intends the political theory of MV to be, and why he believes a MV to be the best we can reasonably hope for. I consider how far his notion of MV matches the reality of contemporary political systems and whether 'liberal moralism' is quite as divorced from reality or as devoid of practical consequence as his political theory of MV would have us believe.

12 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…his political liberalism and his political conception of justice are based on fundamental ideas that he takes to be already present in the public culture of democratic societies – ideas of society as a fair scheme of cooperation, of persons as free and equal, and of well-orderedness (Rawls 1993)....

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  • ...Rawls (1993, 147–8) understands a MV to rest upon a mere balance of political forces and to be grounded in nothing more than the self-interest of those who are party to it....

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Dissertation
01 Jun 2018
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that organisational change is ultimately contingent on individuals and the way they perceive their profession: the stronger the alignment of ideas, values and purpose between the individual and the organisation, the more the potential impact of the museum.
Abstract: Since the mid-1990’s, policy objectives and funding measures have been designed to encourage Norwegian museums and archives to embrace a more socially engaged practice. These governance initiatives, however, have often not achieved the goal of long-term effect: once funding stops, so do the projects, leaving little or no mark on institutional practice. Based on the premise that financial incentives are clearly insufficient in bringing about practice change, this thesis looks beyond the effect of project funding on institutional core attitudes, probing underlying factors which affect organisational practice in more depth. This thesis is situated within the methodological framework of Pierre Bourdieu’s practice theory and draws on qualitative methods such as semi-structured interviews, document analysis and survey data. The theoretical perspectives underpinning the thesis can be broadly grouped under two headings: the museum as idea and as organisation. The first one refers to the ideological nature of museums, its philosophy, purpose, power and ethos as an institution, and the second one to the practical manifestation of these ideas: organizational structure, culture and dynamics in and around the institution. The findings suggest that museum professionals are engaged in a complex balancing act, continually negotiating positions, priorities and relations both within and around the institution. Elements such as power and values play a part, as do professional identities, academic capital and personal engagement. This thesis argues that organisational change is ultimately contingent on individuals and the way they perceive their profession: the stronger the alignment of ideas, values and purpose between the individual and the organisation, the stronger the potential impact of the museum. To develop and sustain a socially engaged practice, museum directors need to create organizational resonance around the idea of the museum as an agent for social change, enabling it to amplify its social impact.

12 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...agency The first perspective concerns cultural rights and the principles of moral philosophy which underpin them (cf. Rawls 1988, 1993, Nussbaum 2004, 2006, 2013, Arendt 1998) as well as concepts such as democratic citizenship, participation and deliberative democracy (Korsgaard et al. 2014,…...

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a seven-part descriptive and prescriptive conceptual analysis of the concept of dissent is presented, revealing that this kind of "loyal disagreement" depends upon disagreeing within rigorous and desirable conceptions of franchise, shared history, contra-hegemony, ethical principles, reasonable heresy and a publicly pronounced attitude of persuasion.
Abstract: Moral education is concerned with depolarising the tension between loyalty and sedition, but little work has been done in the field to describe and map the territory between these poles. This paper proposes that the concept of dissent accomplishes this task and satisfies the need for a construct which describes the condition of sitting apart from those one is a part of. Through a seven‐part descriptive and prescriptive conceptual analysis it is revealed that this kind of ‘loyal disagreement’ depends upon disagreeing within rigorous and desirable conceptions of franchise, shared history, contra‐hegemony, ethical principles, reasonable heresy and a publicly pronounced attitude of persuasion. Through revealing dissent’s conceptual complexity, this argument also demonstrates that such complexity is also, generally speaking, central to the aims of moral education insofar as these can be described as making correct judgements in the interests of maintaining social relationships.

12 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…the mainstream while really perceiving it as an annoyance, the exemplars of franchise, of which a participatory democracy is one, would positively evaluate and incorporate rational divergence as the mark of an advanced concept and practice of democratic social harmony (see Rawls, 1993, p. xvi)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is argued in this essay that though their concerns are diverse, the authors in this issue help to answer a common question: "Who counts as one of us?"
Abstract: This essay serves as an introduction to this issue of the Journal of Medicine and Philosophy. The five articles in this issue address a range of topics from the human embryo and substantial change to conceptions of disability. They engage claims of moral status, defense of our humanity, and argue for an accurate and just classification of persons of different communities within a healthcare system. I argue in this essay that though their concerns are diverse, the authors in this issue help to answer a common question: "Who counts as one of us?" Reading these articles through the lens of membership and the themes of dignity illustrates this commonality and bears fruit for further reflection on many of the challenging issues addressed in the subsequent papers.

12 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a research-policy-practice triad is proposed as an alternative that better captures the dynamics that are evident in experience and the model of a divided profession is suggested as a way to capture and address that tensions that characterize relationships in the triad and undermine efforts to relate knowledge and action.

12 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations