Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Dissertation•
01 Jan 2018
TL;DR: Zhang et al. as discussed by the authors examined the relationship between Confucian interpersonal ethic (in particular, filial piety) and the Chinese conception of rights among contemporary college students in China.
Abstract: Elizabeth Perry argued that the Chinese conception of rights is primarily based on the historically developed state-society relations in China, in which the state’s centralized power is legitimated by its provision of economic goods to the peasantry. This moral economy, Perry argued, was further solidified by Confucian moral philosophy, the state orthodoxy of imperial China. This study is intended to empirically contextualize Elizabeth Perry’s argument of the Chinese moral economy by examining the relationship between Confucian interpersonal ethic (in particular, filial piety) and the Chinese conception of rights among contemporary college students in China. The results of quantitative analyses in this study confirm Perry’s argument about the primacy of economic security in the Chinese conception of rights, and link Confucian values such as filial piety to this conception of rights. However, findings in this study also reveal that although Confucianism and filial piety as cultural symbols continue to shape contemporary legal and political consciousness, their contemporary meanings have significantly shifted. Specifically, understanding filial piety as authoritarian predicts stronger endorsement of civil and political liberties over economic security as rights. The findings of this study are also discussed in relation to Chinese nationalism and the possibility of political liberalization in China.
11 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: In this article, seven ways to enhance the legitimacy of "New Modes of Governance" in the European Union and hence its legitimacy of the EU are discussed. And the notion of "legitimacy" and its implications are explored.
Abstract: How might 'New Modes of Governance' in the European Union be made more legitimate? The following reflections suggest seven ways to enhance the legitimacy of 'New Modes of Governance' and hence the legitimacy of the EU. The remarks explore the contested concept of 'legitimacy' and its implications.
11 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that there are valid moral reasons to incorporate neutrality in spatial organization considerations, by appealing to universal reasons rather than sectarian reasons, and that the conception of justificatory neutrality successfully addresses these concerns.
Abstract: Neutrality in political philosophy is a contested idea. The paper argues that there are valid moral reasons to incorporate neutrality in spatial organization considerations, by appealing to universal reasons rather than sectarian reasons. This is a view that defends ‘justificatory neutrality’. The paper responds to previous concerns regarding the applicability of neutrality in the spatial sphere, arguing that the conception of justificatory neutrality successfully addresses these concerns. Yet, the paper raises doubts whether the arguments that persist in the current political philosophy literature can or should, at the end of the day, be applied to the spatial sphere.
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…Rawls, the basic structure affects members of society and determines not only the kind of persons they want to be, but also the kind of persons that they are, because it limits people’s ambitions and hopes in different ways, and it fashions desires and aspirations in the future (Rawls 1996, 269)....
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...Neutralists do not have to be committed to proceduralism (Rawls 1996, 192), and they can defend even-handed treatment – taking into account the various claims of (competing) groups, cultures etc. – and providing them with resources that will enable them to advance their respective conception of the…...
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...More generally, says Rawls, ‘the basic structure shapes the way the social system produces and reproduces over time a certain form of culture shared by persons with certain conceptions of their good’ (Rawls 1996, 269)....
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...From a moral point of view, this is unduly coercive and illegitimate (Estlund 1996; Nagel 1987; Patten 2014; Quong 2011; Rawls 1996), and from a consequentialist point of view, this might lead to bad outcomes such that the planning goals of equity, well-being and flourishing will not have been…...
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...Its Rawlsian version (Rawls 1996), constructed for ideal institutional frameworks, was never intended to be applied to concrete, contextualized, local problems (Campbell and Marshall 2006)....
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TL;DR: The authors argue that under certain circumstances, citizens would insist on the enactment of political interventions to protect this option, and this insistence renders these interventions not only legitimate but positively mandatory. But do these interventions constitute legitimate uses of political power?
Abstract: Despite women’s increased labor force participation, household divisions of labor remain highly unequal. Properly implemented, gender egalitarian political interventions such as work time regulation, dependent care provisions, and family leave initiatives can induce families to share work more equally than they currently do. But do these interventions constitute legitimate uses of political power? In this article, I defend the political legitimacy of these interventions. Using the conception of citizenship at the heart of political liberalism, I argue that citizens would accept political interventions aimed at protecting the ‘genuinely available option’ to enact gender egalitarian lifestyles. More strongly still, I argue that under certain circumstances, citizens would insist on the enactment of political interventions to protect this option. According to political liberalism’s constraints on legitimacy, this insistence renders these interventions not only legitimate but positively mandatory. It is legiti...
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…in his understanding of what constitutes the family: ‘No particular form of the family (monogamous, heterosexual, or otherwise) is required’, provided the family can carry out the task of caring for children and raising them in ways compatible with political citizenship (Rawls, 1993b: 596, fn. 60)....
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...(Rawls, 1993a: 192–195, especially p. 193—). permanent....
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...(Rawls, 1993a: xlii) Actual individuals fail regularly to prioritize the terms of fair social cooperation over our own self-interest, but this failure constitutes no challenge to political liberalism’s characterization of citizenship....
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...The conception rational advantage or good’ (Rawls, 1993a: 19)....
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...Recall that the criterion of reciprocity specifies that ‘our exercise of political power is proper only when we sincerely believe that the reasons we offer for our political action may reasonably be accepted by other citizens as a justification of those actions’ (Rawls, 1993a: xliv)....
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Journal Article•
TL;DR: Zay et al. as mentioned in this paper proposed a cooperative school inspired by the spirit of the Council of Europe directives and developing social ties based on differences, and compared the advantages and failures of the French republican secular school with others.
Abstract: This article is based on the French report and the European comparative results of an international project about inclusive education supported by the European Commission. It focuses on one of the main issues and the specific methodology of the French report. The globalisation has led to face the issue of making life together possible for native and immigrant populations on the same soil. How to build a common citizenship, with the same rights and duties, for diverse populations separated by their birth community, religion, history, customs and traditions? Which kind of education, and which kind of school are able to elaborate a new common heritage for citizens-to-be? Through research results, the paper compares the advantages and failures of the French republican secular school with others. It resumes the French conclusions to propose a cooperative school inspired by the spirit of the Council of Europe directives and developing social ties based on differences. Keywords: inclusive education, cooperative school, partnership, otherness, tailor-made measures, community development, secularity ___________________________________________________ 1 University of Charles de Gaulle Lille 3, 3 Rue Barreau, Villeneuve-d'Ascq, Lille, France. Email: danielle.zay@daniellezay.fr A Secular Cooperative School Danielle Zay ITALIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION, 1, 2012. 89 Introduction: main issues and methodology In a world enhanced by globalisation, all countries are both rooted in their history and boosted by ideas coming from the economic leader countries and their medias, in particular the United States, that is to say, by now, a democratic manner of living and governing. To-day, the intellectual middles and young people claim for liberty and lead other citizens to follow them in islamic countries considered by the western people as more conservative than themselves. We are far from a clash of civilizations. Inside each country, in north and south, west and east, as well as between countries, the clash is mainly provoked by the growing inequalities of income, and more and more people around the world become aware of it. But the opportunity of finding scape goats is offered too by an increasing immigration of southern and eastern people looking for better conditions of life in the wealthiest countries, for instance in Western Europe. The Council of Europe raised the question to its 47 member states: how to respond to diversity? (Council of Europe, 2008). It is a challenge for applying their democratic principles and a test for their vision of the society of the future. Which choices will they make ? A society of segregated communities, marked at best by the coexistence of majorities and minorities with differentiated rights and responsibilities, loosely bound together by mutual ignorance and stereotypes? Or is it a vibrant and open society without discrimination, benefiting us all, marked by the inclusion of all residents in full respect of their human rights? (p. 1). The Council of Europe represents the EU (European Union) countries. They are supposed to follow its principles reminded in all its publications, i. e. fostering societies based on solidarity, “maintaining and developing the unity A Secular Cooperative School Danielle Zay ITALIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION, 1, 2012. 90 and diversity of European societies”, in particular through education (Arnesen et al., 2008). Nonetheless, the EU countries do not follow the same paradigms of society and education, neither in their policies nor in their ideologies or their customs (Cousins, 1998; Zay, 2005 ab Zay, 2009). The project aim assigned by the European Commission’s DirectorateGeneral for Education and Culture was to analyze, assess and, then, select priority measures and “good practices” that enhanced the opportunities of disadvantaged pupils and the inclusion and chances of discriminated groups of pupils, such as e.g. minority children and/or immigrant children. Synchronic data drawn from national and international policies statements, documents, laws, rules and statistics were not sufficient. They were completed by diachronic data, in particular collected through cases studies, based on 2 Procurement procedure EAC/10/2007–Lot 3 “Strategies for supporting schools and teachers in order to foster social inclusion”, dated 9 August 2007, contract-2007-2094/001 TRA-TRSPO. The project started effectively on 16 December 2007 and was concluded on 16 August 2009, by submitting the reports to the Commission. The reports were accepted by the Commission on 12 October 2009 and disseminated through its website. Dr George Muskens, research director at DOCA Bureaus, The Netherlands, was project leader of the research consortium INTMEAS that has carried out the research assignment. Drafts of his final comparative report benefited from comments and advice from the consortium’s reference group members and from other experts in this field. The INTMEAS consortium – Inclusion and education in European countries gathered round him researchers from ten participating countries: France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, The Netherlands, Poland, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom (England and Scotland) representing a reasonable sample of the EU member States in terms of size, educational systems and inclusion index. A Secular Cooperative School Danielle Zay ITALIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION, 1, 2012. 91 longitudinal analyses and assessments during a longer period, at least two years until five years or more. The French report follows the same methodology and targets with the final comparative report and ten national reports. But, inside the general methodology, it chooses to develop the successful factors for an inclusive education through four case studies more detailed than in other national reports and proposing alternative solutions to the mainstreaming ways of teaching. They are called alternative because they are based upon a cooperative school model. However, the case studies observe the framework of the national secular model too, which remains at the heart of practice. Indeed, it was particularly meaningful because they were all led in socioeconomically deprived areas including important Muslim populations mainly from North Africa. The methodology in all reports is founded upon: 1) A review of ongoing comparative and national research on education and social inclusion measures, 1980 onwards 2) An inventory of relevant scientific publications 3) Case studies. The selection of references is inspired by the concept of inclusive education as “a process of addressing and responding to the diversity of needs of all learners through increasing participation in learning, cultures and communities, and reducing exclusion within and from education” (UNESCO, 2005, p. 13). The corpus consists of research and inquiries’ results already published in books or refereed reviews, or disseminated in reports through websites, and of specific case studies, which, in the French final report, were elaborated by specialists in relation to the project research themes. It also includes indicators and statistics collected in the ten countries participating in the project and in others. The following documentation has been gathered together on measures
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Referring to Rawls (1993), Joppke (2009) writes: “While in the private sphere, one may be a religious believer, in the public sphere one becomes a citizen engaged in ‘public ‘reasoning’: abstracted from one’s private demons....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations