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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the principle of equal respect for persons is decoupled from such a claim and is rephrased as simply prescribing that people be treated or publicly recognized as equally competent.
Abstract: Equal respect for persons is often appealed to as the grounding principle of democratic rule. I argue here that if it needs to account for the specific content of democratic political rights, it must be understood as respect for people as competent political decision-makers. However, the claim that respect is due to people as a response to their actual equal competence leads to a conflation of democratic legitimacy and substantive justice, resting on implausible factual assumptions and making it impossible to advocate the effective equalization of political capabilities. Therefore, I suggest that the principle of equal respect should be decoupled from such a claim and be rephrased as simply prescribing that people be treated or publicly recognized as equally competent. I defend this interpretation against the publicity objection, according to which this take on the principle implies insincerity and therefore cannot serve as a public justification for democratic authority.
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…regimes, makes decisions through a process that instantiates the principle of equal respect for the members of the political community (for example, Rawls 1996, pp. 319ff., Gutmann and Thompson 2004, pp. 27–49, Marmor 2005, Christiano 2004, Brighouse 1996, Brettschneider 2007, Sadurski 2008)....
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...This doctrine was devised to explain how disagreement is possible even when people are rational and reasonable (Rawls 1996, pp. 55ff.); it was not meant to prove that all disagreement is rational and reasonable....
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Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the interaction of personal factors that influence university professors' ESD through two case studies of environmental science professors at an American University and found that although ESD was a goal for both professors, neither was effective in achieving this goal.
Abstract: Promoting education for that focuses on the intersection of the environment, society, and the economy (education for sustainable development, ESD) has captured the attention of the global community The process of promoting ESD programs in universities represents a complex task and understanding the different elements required in ESD at the university level is needed to facilitate that promotion The purpose of this study was to understand the interaction of personal factors that influence University professors' ESD This interaction was investigated through two case studies of environmental science professors at an American University Data collection focused on individual university professors' thinking, beliefs, and teaching philosophies, their practices regarding ESD, as well as an examination of the broader historical and cultural context in which this ESD occurred T he findings showed that although ESD was a goal for both professors, neither was effective in achieving this goal We argue that these professors fear of indoctrination and their views of teaching and learning prevented significant movement toward ESD We argue that being consciously aware of the boundaries of acceptable pedagogical practice is essential if these professors are to move beyond providing "facts" and supporting their students in making sense of scientific information
11 citations
TL;DR: Turner and Turner agree that universalism and inclusion are goals that should orient societies and democratic social theory alike, not only for moral reasons of justice but for reasons of empirica as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Bryan Turner and I agree that universalism and inclusion are goals that should orient societies and democratic social theory alike, not only for moral reasons of justice but for reasons of empirica...
11 citations
TL;DR: In his recent writings, Jurgen Habermas asks how the liberal constitutional principle of separation between church and state, religion and politics, should be understood as mentioned in this paper, and argues that religious citizens suffer an asymmetrical cognitive burden that should be compensated, and his claim that his approach to religion in t...
Abstract: In his recent writings, Jurgen Habermas asks how the liberal constitutional principle of separation between church and state, religion and politics, should be understood. The problem, he holds, is that a liberal state guarantees equal freedom for religious communities to practise their faith, while at the same time shielding the political bodies that take collectively binding decisions from religious influences. This means that religious citizens are asked to justify their political statements independently of their religious views, resulting in a burden that secular citizens do not experience. To compensate, Habermas demands from secular citizens that they open their minds to the possible truth content of religion, enter into dialog and contribute to the translation of religious reasons into generally acceptable reasons. This article focuses on Habermas’s assumption that religious citizens suffer an asymmetrical cognitive burden that should be compensated, and his claim that his approach to religion in t...
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...This in turn means that citizens must be capable of distinguishing between what is good for them and universal norms, and of translating their interests and reasoning on the basis of particular world views – what Rawls (1993) terms ‘comprehensive doctrines’ – into a generally accessible language....
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...In short, it requires a certain ‘duty of civility’ (Habermas 2006, p. 5, referring to Rawls 1993, p. 217)....
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...Do they follow from the political relation between citizens in a constitutional democracy – from the relation between free and equal citizens that has coercive power as a collective body (Rawls 1993, p. 136)?...
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on Protestantism and suggest that the churches should seize this opportunity to work with the government for the purpose of building a more harmonious and equitable society.
Abstract: The politics of efficiency characterised by economic growth alone cannot help to strengthen the legitimacy of the Chinese authorities, because people demand justice, equality and rights. The authorities have therefore introduced the politics of equity, in the form of exchange politics, and the ideology of a harmonious society. Under the new political order characterised by exchange relationships it is not an adequate understanding of Chinese religious policy to see it just as a matter of curbing the growth and influence of religion. In fact, the churches have relatively greater freedom and a greater public role than in the 1980s and 1990s. As the more dependent actor, the churches are still subjected to an authoritarian government. Nevertheless, the more dependent actor is not completely passive, for exchange relationships are always dynamic rather than static. In this paper I focus on Protestantism, and I suggest that the churches should seize this opportunity to work with the government for the...
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...In the view of John Rawls, ‘a public and workable agreement on a single and general comprehensive conception [of the good] could be maintained only by the oppressive use of state power’ (Rawls, 1993)....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations