Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Dissertation•
01 Jul 2012
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the possible contribution of Rawls's ideas, primarily the Society of Peoples and the principles of the Law of Peoples, to international peace, stability and justice.
Abstract: John Rawls’s international theory, The Law of Peoples, has been read and
criticized as “A Theory of International Justice”. His major objective, however, is
not the establishment of a just (liberal) world order, but to guide liberal societies
towards a reasonable peaceful, stable and just international system. From this
starting point, the thesis assesses whether Rawls’s international theory can
meet its task to function as a guideline for the promotion of international peace,
stability and justice and how that peace might be conceived. The author argues
that Rawls sketches the path to a “decent peace”.
The scrutiny of the issue takes the form of an in-depth analysis and discussion
of The Law of Peoples and a systematic investigation of a number of cases. The
dissertation examines the possible contribution of Rawls’s ideas, primarily the
Society of Peoples and the principles of the Law of Peoples, to international
peace, stability and justice. As the focus lies on decent regimes and a decent
peace, three actual decent societies are identified (Oman, Qatar and
Singapore), in order to highlight the applicability of the notion to the international
system, as well as to ensure that decent regimes are not mere constructions
serving to justify imposing liberal principles of non-liberal regimes. The
dissertation finally investigates the enlargement of the democratic peace thesis
towards a decent peace; it discusses the arguments for a democratic peace and
applies them to Rawls’s conception of decent peoples as well as to the identified
regimes. It concludes asserting that the decent peace thesis is theoretically wellfounded, whereas the empirical evidence is – due to only three identified
regimes – rather weak. As a guideline for the foreign policy of liberal (and
decent) societies The Law of Peoples can contribute to more stability and justice
in the international realm and promote a decent peace.
11 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the practical ethical challenges faced by a military commander in a coalition environment when that partner does not appear to share the same ethical values are explored and challenged and a framework is proposed to allow a structured approach to decision-making in such situations that balances considerations of the specific act against the implications in a broader context.
Abstract: This paper explores the practical ethical challenges faced by a military commander in a coalition environment when that partner does not appear to share the same ethical values. Should one intervene? If one accepts that ethical standards are not absolute, does one have any kind of justification in interfering in such a situation? The implications and validity of ethical relativism are explored and challenged and then a framework is proposed to allow a structured approach to decision-making in such situations that balances considerations of the specific act against the implications in a broader context. Such a framework can be used whether or not ethical relativism is accepted as a valid explanation.
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...These core values might be referred to as areas of inter-subjective agreement or thought of as principles that fit within Rawl’s (2005) ‘overlapping consensus’ essentially areas of agreement reached by all reasonable doctrines.9...
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Dissertation•
01 Nov 2015
TL;DR: The authors investigated the relationship between the theological and the political in the contemporary predicament by exploring the undervalued political thought of Jacques Derrida, and argued that his political thought offers significant resources to re-think the theologico-political relationship in more complex and critical ways, especially beyond the radical separation between religion and politics.
Abstract: This dissertation investigates the relationship between the theological and the political in the contemporary predicament by exploring the undervalued political thought of Jacques Derrida. It examines the complex interaction between religion and politics, especially as it relates to political authority and community by also paying attention to the conceptions of language and time at work in the political understandings of and normative responses to cultural and religious diversity. Through a close reading of Derrida’s work on language, time, religion and politics, I argue that his political thought offers significant resources to re-think the theologico-political relationship in more complex and critical ways, especially beyond the radical separation between religion and politics so common in the classical modern paradigm. The project’s central aim is two-fold: first, to offer a theoretical response to the empirical significance of religions in the public sphere by seeking to further the understanding of how the political and the theological interacts in politics; and second, to contribute to current debates on religion and politics in political theory as well as to Derrida scholarship by offering a politico-philosophical analysis of how his view of the theologicopolitical relates, in its various ramifications, to political foundations.
11 citations
TL;DR: The authors compare traditional multiculturalist political theory with a new paradigm in which the usual strategies for dealing with cultural diversities are replaced by the tools used by the new paradigm to deal with cultural diversity.
Abstract: My aim in this article is to compare traditional multiculturalist political theory with a new paradigm in which the usual strategies for dealing with cultural diversities are replaced by the tools ...
11 citations
Additional excerpts
...Cf. Rawls (1996); Ferrara (2012); Schwartzman (2012)....
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TL;DR: The role of the state in dissociation, interpellation, and depersonalization in psychoanalytic theory and practice is discussed in this paper, where Guralnik and Simeon argue that self-state simultaneously incorporate and resist the State.
Abstract: In this discussion, I situate Guralnik and Simeon's argument about depersonalization and interpellation among ways that different psychoanalytic theorists have understood the interaction of the psychic and social domains. I elaborate on what Guralnik and Simeon mean when they refer to the role of “the State” in dissociation, interpellation, and depersonalization. Upon showing how self-states simultaneously incorporate and resist the State, Guralnik and Simeon provide a clinical rationale to confront interpellation's “discursive instructions.” This leads me to explore the curious status of the term state in psychoanalytic theory and practice.
11 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...In the Liberal tradition of western political thought, philosophers theorized an egalitarian State of Nature in order to address our current state of inequality (Rawls, 1993)....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
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Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
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