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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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22 May 2006TL;DR: Aristotle and the Rediscovery of Citizenship as discussed by the authors examines the relationship between moral virtue, civic education, and law in the Nicomachean Ethics and the Politics of the Republic.
Abstract: Aristotle and the Rediscovery of Citizenship confronts a question that is central to Aristotle's political philosophy as well as to contemporary political theory: what is a citizen? Answers prove to be elusive, in part because late twentieth-century critiques of the Enlightenment called into doubt fundamental tenets that once guided us. Engaging the two major works of Aristotle's political philosophy, his Nicomachean Ethics and his Politics, Susan D. Collins poses questions that current discussions of liberal citizenship do not adequately address. Drawing a path from contemporary disputes to Aristotle, she examines in detail his complex presentations of moral virtue, civic education, and law; his view of the aims and limits of the political community; and his treatment of the connection between citizenship and the human good. Collins thereby shows how Aristotle continues to be an indispensable source of enlightenment, as he has been for political and religious traditions of the past.
75 citations
TL;DR: It is argued that religious freedom and rights of informed consent do not entitle non-vaccinators to harm innocent bystanders, and so coercive vaccination requirements are permissible for the sake of the potential victims of the anti-vaccine movement.
Abstract: Vaccine refusal harms and risks harming innocent bystanders. People are not entitled to harm innocents or to impose deadly risks on others, so in these cases there is nothing to be said for the right to refuse vaccination. Compulsory vaccination is therefore justified because non-vaccination can rightly be prohibited, just as other kinds of harmful and risky conduct are rightly prohibited. I develop an analogy to random gunfire to illustrate this point. Vaccine refusal, I argue, is morally similar to firing a weapon into the air and endangering innocent bystanders. By re-framing vaccine refusal as harmful and reckless conduct my aim is to shift the focus of the vaccine debate from non-vaccinators' religious and refusal rights to everyone else's rights against being infected with contagious illnesses. Religious freedom and rights of informed consent do not entitle non-vaccinators to harm innocent bystanders, and so coercive vaccination requirements are permissible for the sake of the potential victims of the anti-vaccine movement.
72 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...19 This objection draws on a long tradition, most commonly associated with John Rawls’s Political Liberalism, which holds that public policy must be justifiable to those who are subjected to it on reasons that they can affirm in their own religions or conceptions of a good life (Rawls 2005)....
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...…to 19 This objection draws on a long tradition, most commonly associated with John Rawls’s Political Liberalism, which holds that public policy must be justifiable to those who are subjected to it on reasons that they can affirm in their own religions or conceptions of a good life (Rawls 2005)....
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DOI•
15 Mar 2012
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show that not only age but life stages, to some extent socialization and (as people start to age older) age-related functional limitations also play a role.
Abstract: Populations are aging at a rapid pace in the majority of western countries. At the same time, these countries are increasingly becoming more digitalized and information is supplied to a growing extent in digital form. To what extent is there an actual problem for senior citizens who are looking for accessible information? Is age the deciding factor for the way they make use of old and new media to gain access to information or are there other explanations for their information search behaviour? The results of the empirical studies presented in this article show that the Dutch citizens, young and old, are spread across a ‘digital spectrum. (Lenhart & Horrigan, 2003), rather than facing one another across the much-touted age-based ‘digital divide’. Prensky’s (2001) ‘digital natives’ and ‘digital immigrants’ do not appear to exist in the Netherlands, at least as far as their information seeking behaviour is concerned. This article will show that not only age but life stages, to some extent socialization and (as people start to age older) age-related functional limitations also play a role. Adopting a multi-channel approach and designing information sources by the principle of dynamic diversity could offer a solution.
72 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Van den Hoven (1994, p. 369), referring to Rawls (1971, 1993), goes so far as to refer to a ‘primary good’....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors offer contrasting normative visions of how to democratically manage the relations between experts and larger publics in contemporary liberal democracies, including science and technology studies (STS).
Abstract: Science and Technology Studies (STS) offers contrasting normative visions of how to democratically manage the relations between experts and larger publics in contemporary liberal democracies. This ...
70 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…democracies are unlikely to agree on such doctrines, and so what is needed is an ‘overlapping consensus’, arrived at by bracketing divergent interests and commitments, rather than a normal consensus, which Rawls identifies as tapping into already present interests and commitments (Rawls, 1993: 15)....
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TL;DR: There is considerable common ground among various positions in the literature about advantage and development as discussed by the authors, and differences among the relevant positions often have to do with the context in which they are developed, or strategies involved in dealing with common foes, rather than any fundamental divergence in values.
Abstract: There is considerable common ground among various positions--involving needs, capabilities, prudential values and basic goods--in the literature about advantage and development. The well-known debate about the relative merits of various spaces relating to advantage, associated with Amartya Sen, has tended to obscure this point. Differences among the relevant positions often have to do with the context in which they are developed, or strategies involved in dealing with common foes, rather than any fundamental divergence in values. The various lists of the components of advantage that these positions offer can, to some degree, be seen as relating to different levels in our concern about the quality of life. To this degree, they can be reconciled, and Sen's capability approach simply highlights an important level. Furthermore, both differences, as well as convergence, in the various lists, may be consistent with shared values.
70 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Rawls (1993) has dropped the claim to universality , and has argued that his theory only applies to liberal democracies....
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...In later versions of the theory, primary goods lay the foundations for social unity among citizens in a liberal democracy (Rawls, 1982, 1993)....
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...The primary goods are: (1) the basic liberties, given by a further list (Rawls, 1993, pp. 289–299); (2) freedom of movement, freedom of association and freedom of occupational choice against a background of diverse opportunities ; (3) powers and prerogatives of of ce and positions of responsibility…...
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations