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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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TL;DR: It is often assumed that neutralist liberalism and environmentalism are incompatible because promoting environmentally friendly policies involves endorsing a particular conception of the good life as discussed by the authors, which is not the case.
Abstract: It is often assumed that neutralist liberalism and environmentalism are incompatible because promoting environmentally friendly policies involves endorsing a particular conception of the good life....
65 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Rawls, 1993, p. 246) Rawls’s claim is that the limits of public reason – the requirement that our arguments appeal only to political values – apply only to a restricted set of issues, namely, the ‘constitutional essentials’ and ‘basic question[s] of justice’....
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...…majority rule; and equal basic rights and liberties of citizenship that legislative majorities are to respect: such as the right to vote and to participate in politics, liberty of conscience, freedom of thought and of association, as well as the protection of the rule of law (Rawls, 1993, p. 227)....
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...…properties; to foster species of animals and plants for the sake of biological and medical knowledge with its potential applications to human health; to protect the beauties of nature for purposes of public recreation and the pleasures of a deeper understanding of the world (Rawls, 1993, p. 245)....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors defend capability ceilings as a friendly amendment to John Rawls's theory of distributive fairness and argue that although Nussbaum's theory, which emerged in dialogue with Rawls' theory, improves upon it in this regard, it remains subject to the same basic tensions.
Abstract: Human impacts on large‐scale ecological interactions effectively confer fundamental advantages of wealth and power to some members of society and not to others. As illustrated here by reference to a 1993 cholera outbreak resulting from degradation of aquatic ecosystems, these impacts can pose barriers to the normal channels through which one might pursue individual advantage, thereby raising tensions for liberal theories of justice that are committed both to basic liberties and to distributive fairness. I first illustrate these tensions by reference to John Rawls's theory. I then argue that although Nussbaum's theory, which emerged in dialogue with Rawls's, improves upon it in this regard, it remains subject to the same basic tensions. Instituting ‘capability ceilings’ that impose a limit on the set of basic opportunities available to people would help resolve this tension. Thus, in addition to Nussbaum's proposal for establishing capability thresholds, I defend capability ceilings as a friendly amendment...
65 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…to certain social groups on the grounds that their having these liberties may enable them to block policies needed for economic efficiency and growth …’’ (Rawls, 1993, p. 295); rather, if policies needed for economic efficiency and growth do not violate the liberties that the first principle of…...
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TL;DR: In this paper, Sen's capability approach is presented as a framework for well-being measurement with powerful and ongoing relevance to current work on measuring wellbeing in order to guide public policy.
Abstract: This chapter presents Sen’s capability approach as a framework for well-being measurement with powerful and ongoing relevance to current work on measuring well-being in order to guide public policy. It discusses how preferences and values inform the relative weights across capabilities, then draws readers’ attention to measurement properties of multidimensional measures that have proven to be policy-relevant in poverty reduction. It presents a dual-cutoff counting methodology that satisfies these principles and outlines the assumptions that must be fulfilled in order to interpret ensuing indices as measuring capability poverty. It then discusses Bhutan’s innovative extension of this methodology in the Gross National Happiness Index and reflects upon whether it might be suited to other contexts. It closes with some remarks on relevant material in other Handbook chapters.
65 citations
Additional excerpts
...8 Rawls (1971, 1993) and Rawls & Kelly (2001)....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore William Connolly's call for a pluralist ethos and a politics of becoming as an antidote to the current malaise of liberal democratic governance.
Abstract: This article explores William Connolly's call for a pluralist ethos and a politics of becoming as an antidote to the current malaise of liberal democratic governance. Evaluating Connolly's theoretical approach alongside Ernesto Laclau's logic of populism and Chantal Mouffe's advocacy of agonistic pluralism, it endeavours to synthesise these various post-structuralist interventions into a more encompassing proposal for radical democracy.
64 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…1943), or the deliberative model proposed by Habermas and Rawls, in which politics is conceived as a practice of communicative rationality between free and equal citizens seeking to achieve a rational consensus by means of free discussion (Habermas 1996; Rawls 1996; see Young 2000, 18–25)....
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...Although this approach is at times parasitical on liberal institutions and practices, it does not fully endorse liberal solutions to questions of justice with respect to the ‘fact of reasonable pluralism’ (Rawls 1996)....
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Posted Content•
TL;DR: The authors argue that the appropriate purpose of justice is simply to specify the implementation of an independently grounded conception of legitimacy, which in turn rests on a context and practice-sensitive understanding of the purpose of political power.
Abstract: One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an alternative to that dominant approach I put forward the idea that upturning the relationship between justice and legitimacy affords a normative notion of authority that does not depend on a pre-political account of morality, and thus avoids some serious problems faced by mainstream theories of justice. I then argue that the appropriate purpose of justice is simply to specify the implementation of an independently grounded conception of legitimacy, which in turn rests on a context- and practice-sensitive understanding of the purpose of political power.
64 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations