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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, a suitably developed and normatively robust theory of intersubjective recognition can adequately integrate an analysis of apparently diverse contemporary struggles: those for a just division of labor and hence, a fair distribution of resources and opportunities, as well as those for culture free of identity-deforming disrespect and denigration.
Abstract: What does social justice require in contemporary societies? What are the requirements of social democracy? Who and where are the individuals and groups that can carry forward agendas for progressive social transformation? What are we to make of the so-called new social movements of the last thirty years? Is identity politics compatible with egalitarianism? Can cultural misrecognition and economic maldistribution be fought simultaneously? What of the heritage of Western Marxism is alive and dead? And how is current critical social theory to approach these and other questions? Much of the most productive work done in recent social theory has revolved around such issues, in particular, around those concerning the relationship between the politics of recognition and the politics of distribution. After the intense theoretical focus over the last fifteen years or so on the issues of recognition politics—multiculturalism, multi-nationalism, identity politics, group-differentiated rights, the accommodation of difference, and so on—some social theorists have worried that attention has been diverted from important issues of distributive equality—systematic impoverishment, increasing material inequality, ‘structural’ unemployment, the growth of oligarchic power, global economic segmentation, and so on. While some critics seem to have adopted a blunt ‘it’s the economy, stupid’ line of criticism, 1 others have attempted to develop an overarching, integrative theoretical framework adequate to the diverse issues concerning both economic and cultural justice. For example, Axel Honneth proposes that a suitably developed and normatively robust theory of intersubjective recognition can adequately integrate an analysis of apparently diverse contemporary struggles: those for a just division of labor and hence, a fair distribution of resources and opportunities, as well as those for a culture free of identity-deforming disrespect and denigration. 2 In two recent papers (Honneth 1998; 2001), Honneth appropriates John Dewey’s political theory as a way of bridging the gap in critical, democratic theory between attention to economic struggles and struggles for recognition. And in a recent book exchanging views with Nancy Fraser, Honneth further develops his theory to show how everyday experiences of misrecognition can be understood as the normative and motivational well-springs of struggles against both economic and cultural injustices (Fraser and Honneth 2003a). I take it that the background motivation for these moves is to reanimate the critical thrust of the Marxist heritage of critical theory—namely, to ground a strong normative
53 citations
01 May 2013
TL;DR: The Franco-German tradition of republicanism, developed from the time of Rousseau and Kant, was studied in the early nineteenth century as mentioned in this paper, and it is important not to confuse this with the older way of thinking on which neo-republicans focus.
Abstract: Recent exercises in the renewal of republican theory have focused on the Italian–Atlantic tradition of republicanism and on its demise with the rise of classical liberalism in the early nineteenth century. The focus on this tradition has been theoretically fruitful in generating a novel way of thinking about freedom and government in the contemporary world. But there is a distinct Franco–German tradition of republicanism, developed from the time of Rousseau and Kant, and it is important not to confuse this with the older way of thinking on which neo-republicans focus. My aim here is to reduce the risk of confusion by laying out the key differences between the two traditions and putting them in historical context. Inevitably I have to stylize the traditions I discuss but I hope that I do no serious injustice to the figures I address. While Rousseau and Kant remained faithful to some core ideas in the Italian-Atlantic tradition of thinking – in particular, as we shall see, to the idea of freedom as nondomination – the way of thinking about citizens and the state that they ushered in was as inimical to the tradition as classical liberalism. Indeed, as liberalism came to displace traditional republican doctrine as the main ideology of the English-speaking world, the name “republicanism” came to designate the new Franco–German doctrine. It is primarily with this doctrine, rather than the Italian-Atlantic tradition, that critics of liberalism like Hannah Arendt (1958; 1973) and Michael Sandel (1996) identify, for example.
53 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...The republican ideas that emerged in the thought of defenders such as James Harrington, John Milton and Algernon Sidney, became a staple of political thought in eighteenth-century Britain and America, albeit often adapted to make room for a constitutional monarchy (Raab 1965)....
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...John Milton (1953–82, Vol. 8, 424–5) captured the idea nicely in arguing that in a “free Commonwealth,” “they who are greatest … are not elevated above their brethren; live soberly in their families, walk the streets as other men, may be spoken to freely, familiarly, friendly, without adoration.”...
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...…concern with happiness, as in the case of utilitarians; perhaps a goal that is paired with a separate concern like equality, as in the case of John Rawls (1971; 1993; 2001), Ronald Dworkin (1978; 1986) and other egalitarians.6 No matter which form liberalism takes, it contrasts with…...
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...Or it may be left-of-center, making freedom as noninterference into just one of government’s goals: perhaps a goal derived from the broader concern with happiness, as in the case of utilitarians; perhaps a goal that is paired with a separate concern like equality, as in the case of John Rawls (1971; 1993; 2001), Ronald Dworkin (1978; 1986) and other egalitarians.6 No matter which form liberalism takes, it contrasts with republicanism on how to understand freedom, a value to which each approach gives a prominent place....
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TL;DR: Beetham/Lord 1998; Thomassen/Schmitt 1999; as discussed by the authors findet eine transformation from a inter-gouvernementalen Regime with primar okonomischen Kompetenzen to a supranationalen regime with weiterreichenden Kompetsenzen statt.
Abstract: Durch den Vertrag von Maastricht, der im Jahre 1993 in Kraft trat, wurde die Europaische Gemeinschaft (EG) zur Europaischen Union (EU). Dieser Ubergang bedeutete einen Wendepunkt im Prozess der europaischen Integration. Spatestens seit diesem Vertrag findet eine Transformation von einem inter-gouvernementalen Regime mit primar okonomischen Kompetenzen zu einem supranationalen Regime mit weiterreichenden Kompetenzen statt. Diese Transformation hat die Legitimationsgrundlage des europaischen Regimes gravierend verandert (Beetham/Lord 1998; Thomassen/Schmitt 1999).
53 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that most conflicts over transportation pricing and finance are rooted in philosophical differences over justice and equity and differing notions of the appropriate units of analysis for evaluating equity.
Abstract: Equity gets defined differently by different interests at different times. Public officials think of equity in transportation finance in a very distinctive way from social scientists or transportation planners. This paper examines transportation pricing and finance equity from a variety of perspectives. The authors distinguish transportation finance and pricing equity from other forms of transportation equity and then discuss several competing theories of equity long debated by social philosophers. These theories serve as a basis for understanding the complex and often inconsistent notions of fairness that the public and elected officials have regarding the distribution of public resources and particularly transportation investments. The authors argue that most conflicts over transportation pricing and finance are rooted in philosophical differences over justice and equity and differing notions of the appropriate units of analysis--individuals, groups, or jurisdictions--for evaluating equity. An analytical framework is presented to help planners and policy makers untangle these two issues. This framework transcends the philosophical characterizations of equity to allow for a more practical consideration of transportation finance and pricing fairness. Lessons offered by some recent debates in transportation pricing and finance are considered. The current trend in transportation finance toward dedicated non-transportation-based taxes such as sales taxes, appears to be less fair than marginal cost transportation pricing such as congestion tolls. The authors conclude that while no scheme can satisfy all possible dimensions of equity, it is possible to offer comparative equity assessments of various approaches to transportation pricing and finance, and that efficiency and equity can coexist.
53 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…principle states that while only the political liberties to develop the structure of society should be dispersed equally, positions with greater social and economic status must be available to all and will result in the greatest benefit to the least advantaged members of society (Rawls 1971, 1993)....
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a social science research agenda that will reflect on and inform the development of new information technology-based approaches to the electronic collection, distribution, synthesis, and analysis of public commentary in the regulatory rulemaking process.
Abstract: This article proposes a social science research agenda that will reflect on and inform the development of new information technology-based approaches to the electronic collection, distribution, synthesis. and analysis of public commentary in the regulatory rulemaking process. It identifies one critical area of an ongoing governance transformation: the use of web-based programs to collect public commentary on proposed agency rules. In the tradition of reflexive modernization, this article calls for deeper social science reflection during the development of a technological design in order to tap its democratic potential.
52 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Some democratic theorists (e.g., Bessette, 1980, 1994; Rawls, 1996) argue that deliberation and public reasoning already occur in current liberal democratic governments, legislatures, and/or courts; often, these theorists are content to stop there....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations