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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Dissertation
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: In this article, the authors draw on Michel Foucault's work on "governmentality", as well as his scattered texts on liberalism, to explore a central liberal concern: the "freedom-regulation" problematic.
Abstract: This project draws on Michel Foucault's work on "governmentality," as well as his scattered texts on liberalism, to explore a central liberal concern: the "freedom-regulation" problematic. Foucault took liberalism to be an art of government that promises prosperity and well being for the whole through liberty of the individual. From this perspective there is a problem in determining just what is free, what has to be free and what needs to be regulated, The two central poles of the liberal freedom-regulation problem are located in the principle of economic liberty - achieving the objective of unregulated economic activity; and the rule of law - which is necessary to ensure order, predictability and certainty. It is this relation that yields the paradox this thesis sets out to investigate. For on the one hand it is central to liberalism that individuals be as free as possible to pursue their own interests in the economic sphere. Indeed the prosperity and well being of society depends upon it. On the other hand, it is less clear what degree of freedom should be extended to the private realm of morality and personal conduct. The thesis will show that the development of liberal political economic systems presented a challenge to the inventive capacities of moral philosophers and political economists who sought to devise ever new technologies of government which could control and restrict behaviour whilst continuing to embrace the spirit of "natural" individual liberty. Given that liberalism was concerned with discovering the best way to govern, in line with its central principles of individual economic liberty and the rule of law, the most effective form of regulation was seen as self-regulation, or self-discipline. However, as I will demonstrate an analysis of liberal thought, from the late seventeenth century until the present day, reveals that despite their rhetoric major thinkers within the Anglo-Scottish tradition considered the principle of self-regulation to be an impossible ideal that could not be widely deployed in the general community. Basically, they see it as an untrustworthy governmental technique as only an elite few are possessed with the strength of character to render them capable of such ethical practice. In general there is recognition that for the majority of the population behaviour and conduct needs to be overtly controlled through governmental techniques of regulation and order. Hence the importance of investigating the paradox of regulated freedom that continues to be deeply embedded in the fabric of liberalism.

50 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it is argued that a certain form of non-instrumentalism towards nature, what is called "the otherness view" of nature's value, has sufficient affinity to reasonable citizenship to be considered a further exercise of it.
Abstract: This article is an exercise in theoretical reconciliation of two points of view often thought to be opposed; that of liberal political theory and that of a green, non-instrumental attitude, towards non-human nature. The reconciliation of these views is attempted here via the concept of citizenship, especially that of the ‘reasonable’ citizenship associated with recent political liberalism. It is argued that a certain form of non-instrumentalism towards nature, what is called ‘the otherness view’ of nature's value, has sufficient affinity to reasonable citizenship to be considered a further exercise of it. Some implications of this claim are explored and some objections to it considered.

50 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…features unique to a particular (range of) nation-states, as is sometimes claimed with political liberalism; in other words particularly of the way Rawls (1996) emphasizes that the fundamental ideas of political liberalism (like freedom and equality) are publicly justified qua implicit within the…...

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  • ...The paradigm is religion (Rawls, 1996)....

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  • ...In other words, they accept a significantly neutralist and anti-expressivist conception of the political.2 They also have what Rawls calls the ‘very great virtues . . . [of] political cooperation that make a constitutional regime possible’, including toleration (Rawls, 1996: 157)....

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  • ...In accepting ‘fair terms of cooperation’ which take that into account, citizens respect what Rawls (1996) calls the ‘fact of reasonable pluralism’....

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Journal ArticleDOI
Emma Tomalin1
TL;DR: The authors pointed out that the absence of a research agenda within development studies on ‘religion and development' has meant that a significant indigenous mechanism for pursuing rights has been overlooked, and the second part of my discussion then asks whether a language of social justice based upon the concept of duty is more appropriate than one based upon rights.
Abstract: This paper is concerned with the observation that rights-based approaches to development have tended to ignore the ways in which religion and culture shape understandings of human rights. Although religious traditions often act against the pursuit of human rights, there are also areas of overlap and consensus. The first part of the paper suggests that the absence of a research agenda within development studies on ‘religion and development’ has meant that a significant indigenous mechanism for pursuing rights has been overlooked. Drawing upon examples from India, the second part of my discussion then asks whether a language of social justice based upon the concept of duty is more appropriate than one based upon rights.

49 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...The perception of human rights as a ‘comprehensive doctrine’ (Rawls, 1996), which treats other moral discourses as parochial, has given rise to different responses....

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  • ...The idea of ‘overlapping consensus’ can address the negative perception of human rights as a ‘comprehensive doctrine’ (Rawls, 1996), yet it retains the important notion of a shared conception of social justice as a universal goal....

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  • ...This would not mean abandoning universals, but rather revealing the existence of convergent universal norms that can be justified from different religious and philosophical perspectives (Rawls, 1996; Taylor, 1999; Nussbaum, 2000)....

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  • ...6 This goal of arriving at universal and consensual norms, which are ‘voluntarily enforceable’ across cultures (Rawls, 1996; Taylor, 1999), does raise certain questions: who would decide upon such ‘cross-cultural universals’ and could a meaningful consensus ever be reached? However, my interest in the idea of ‘overlapping consensus’ is less ambitious....

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  • ...…and taken seriously’ (1990: 138).6 This goal of arriving at universal and consensual norms, which are ‘voluntarily enforceable’ across cultures (Rawls, 1996; Taylor, 1999), does raise certain questions: who would decide upon such ‘cross-cultural universals’ and could a meaningful consensus…...

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors connect theory and practice through analyzing a curriculum development project that sought to produce a framework for "engaged global citizens" and the resultant pedagogical framework attempted to undercut the homogenizing tendencies within global citizenship education (GCE).
Abstract: Despite a groundswell of evidence for transformative education, manifestos for ‘transformative pedagogy for global citizenship’ remain under-theorized and pay limited attention to implications for practice. This paper connects theory and practice through analyzing a curriculum development project that sought to produce a framework for ‘engaged global citizens’. It considers the political and philosophical framings of the self and other, citizen and world, that underlie this empirical work, especially with reference to re exivity, hermeneutics, democratic engagement and co-production. The resultant pedagogical framework, based upon concepts of transformative learning, attempted to undercut the homogenizing tendencies within global citizenship education (GCE). This discussion highlights the tensions and reifying e ects of educational frameworks such as the Teaching Excellence Framework in the UK and the proposed framework for ‘global competence’ in the 2018 Programme for International Student Assessment. Evidence is presented that frameworks which attempt to make explicit educational phenomena and processes are overdetermined by e cacy and metrics that become perverse ends in themselves. While the anticipated project output here was the framework itself, the substantive output was, in fact, practical: namely the ongoing deliberation and re ection upon the discourses that both do and undo the task of locating the transformative dimension of GCE.

49 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...John Rawls’ theoretical strategy was to propose in Political Liberalism a reasonable pluralism that seeks overlapping consensus while allowing for different conceptions of the good (Rawls, 1993)....

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Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that two main democratic mechanisms -the practice of inclusive deliberation (in its direct and indirect versions) and the institution of majority rule with universal suffrage - combine their epistemic properties to maximize the chances that the group pick the better political answer within a given context and a set of values.
Abstract: This paper argues that democracy can be seen as a way to channel “democratic reason,” or the collective political intelligence of the many The paper hypothesizes that two main democratic mechanisms - the practice of inclusive deliberation (in its direct and indirect versions) and the institution of majority rule with universal suffrage - combine their epistemic properties to maximize the chances that the group pick the “better” political answer within a given context and a set of values The paper further argues that under the conditions of a liberal society, characterized among other things by sufficient cognitive diversity, these two mechanisms give democracy an epistemic edge over versions of the rule of the few

49 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations