Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The authors investigate public confidence in police and identify country-level factors that contribute to its variation cross-nationally from Rawls' conception of political legitimacy, and hypothesize that stable and high-level democracy increase confidence in the police, while government corruption lowers this confidence.
Abstract: Levels of public confidence in police vary greatly internationally, yet little is known about the causes of this variation I investigate public confidence in police and identify country-level factors that contribute to its variation cross-nationally From Rawls’ conception of political legitimacy, I hypothesize that stable and high-level democracy increase confidence in the police, while government corruption lowers this confidence I further hypothesize that these effects are particularly exaggerated among ethnic minority groups Collectively, results suggest that reduction of government corruption is the most important thing any nation can do to garner public confidence in police
41 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Importantly, there is a critical point when the injustice of the outcomes of a legitimate democratic procedure damages its legitimacy (Rawls, 2005, p. 428)....
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...He argues that legitimacy requires less than justice and can be achieved through fair democratic procedures alone (Rawls, 2005)....
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...However, the author includes the following question ‘are you a member of a group discrimi- nated against’ as a way to incorporate race/ethnicity into his study....
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...However, in this study, the current level of democracy was not a predictor of public confidence in police....
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...Democratic governance might itself produce political legitimacy, regardless of the outcome, through fair procedures (Rawls, 2005)....
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TL;DR: In this article, the reflective equilibrium approach is used for the moral assessment of research and development (R&D) networks, and two norms, namely reflective learning and openness and inclusiveness, are shown to contribute to achieving a justified overlapping consensus.
Abstract: In this article, we develop an approach for the moral assessment of research and development (R & D) networks on the basis of the reflective equilibrium approach proposed by Rawls and Daniels. The reflective equilibrium approach aims at coherence between moral judgments, principles, and background theories. We use this approach because it takes seriously the moral judgments of the actors involved in R & D, whereas it also leaves room for critical reflection about these judgments. It is shown that two norms, namely reflective learning and openness and inclusiveness, which are used in the literature on policy and technological networks, contribute to achieving a justified overlapping consensus. We apply the approach to a case study about the development of an innovative sewage treatment technology and show how in this case the two norms are or could be instrumental in achieving a justified overlapping consensus on relevant moral issues.
41 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...In such settings, we will argue, an ideal of full coherence between judgments, principles, and theories of different actors is not attainable, as Rawls realizes also in his later work (Rawls 1993, 2001)....
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TL;DR: A number of recent writers have, however, argued that all those whose interests should be represented by the "demos" that ought to rule are the same as the "progressive" ones as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Until relatively recently, few democrats had much to say about the constitution of the ‘demos' that ought to rule. A number of recent writers have, however, argued that all those whose interests ar...
41 citations
Dissertation•
01 May 2014
41 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a framework for the empirical analysis of political ideas is presented, which aims to strike a balance between the presentation of a set of general assumptions, and a recognition that any framework must engage with particular evidence from the historical context under investigation, especially the processes through which ideational communication occurs.
Abstract: How do parties, groups and movements construct shared frameworks of understanding? Answering this question must involve some analysis of the role played by political ideas They are an inescapable fact of political life Yet, as with most inescapable facts, controversy has raged over how they should be studied 1 This article presents a framework for the empirical analysis of ideas It aims to strike a balance between the presentation of a set of general assumptions, and a recognition that any framework must engage with particular evidence from the historical context under investigation, especially the processes through which ideational communication occurs Elements from a variety of perspectives are combined to provide a ‘public political discourse’ approach, which: appreciates the importance of communication through the media; provides justifications for specific sources of evidence to be used; and places ideas in context My main concern throughout is in developing a useful framework of explicit assumptions about how to study political ideas It is not my intention to delve deeply into the philosophical roots of its elements, nor do I seek to provide a blueprint that is bought wholesale or not at all It represents only one approach among countless possible others Rather, my aim is to raise awareness of the fact that the assumptions which are brought to the study of political ideas are important determinants of the kinds of analyses we see produced These assumptions need to be stated and defended, with a recognition that they obscure as many possibilities as they reveal This essay emerges from a partial sense of dissatisfaction with recent methodological debates in history, a field which has, since the 1980s, experienced a wave of revisionism The shift has involved a widespread reappraisal of earlier class-based interpretations of politics and a reassertion of the importance of ideas, usually defined as ‘discourses’ The examination of these, and the organizational structures of parties, movements, and the state, has gone hand in hand with a new sensitivity to the means through which historical evidence is mediated, along with the emergence of postmodernist approaches to political identities Written from the perspective of one who enjoys having a foot in both disciplines ‐ history and political science ‐ this essay is intended to suggest to the political science community the ways in which some of the interesting developments in historiography over the past 15 years, if developed in the directions outlined here, might contribute to an understanding of the relationship between political ideas and political action Although analysis of how ideas, parties and movements interrelate has always been a core concern of political scientists, it is interesting to note how few of the controversies that have raged in history have flowed into political science’s mainstream Yet
41 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations