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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue for a way to structure political deliberation in the public sphere that imposes the same deliberative obligations on all democratic citizens, whether religious or secular.
Abstract: In this article I analyze Rawls' and Habermas' accounts of the role of religion in political deliberations in the public sphere. After pointing at some difficulties involved in the unequal distribution of deliberative rights and duties among religious and secular citizens that follow from their proposals, I argue for a way to structure political deliberation in the public sphere that imposes the same deliberative obligations on all democratic citizens, whether religious or secular. These obligations derive from the ideal of mutual accountability that is supposed to guide political deliberation in a deliberative democracy. The main advantage of this proposal is that it recognizes the right of all democratic citizens to adopt their own cognitive stance (whether religious or secular) in political deliberation in the public sphere without giving up on the democratic obligation to provide reasons acceptable to everyone to justify coercive policies with which all citizens must comply.
200 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...1 See Rawls (1993)....
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...15 See Weithman (2002)....
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...4 See Audi (1993, 1997, and 2000)....
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...See Eberle (2002)....
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...Seen from this perspective, the challenge for a defense of deliberative democracy under pluralistic conditions is to come up with a design of political deliberation in the public sphere that recognizes the right of all democratic citizens to adopt their own cognitive stance in deliberation, whether religious or secular, without giving up on the obligation to provide reasons acceptable to everyone that justify coercive policies to which all must comply....
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TL;DR: The authors argues for the vital place of civility in contemporary urban life, contrary to many critics who see civility as a conservative or nostalgic virtue deployed to repress difference and frustrate change.
Abstract: This essay argues for civility's vital place in contemporary urban life. Contrary to many critics who see civility as a conservative or nostalgic virtue deployed to repress difference and frustrate...
185 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…John Rawls has aptly captured this understanding of the functional benefits of civility in his characterisation of civility as a modus vivendi (Rawls, 1993, pp. 147–149, 166 and 168).2 It is tempting to associate civility with these generally negative or aversive dispositions, and Rawls is…...
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Book•
25 Feb 2013
TL;DR: Nel Noddings as mentioned in this paper argues that we must find ways to preserve our commitment to democratic values while adapting to societal changes that have occurred since Dewey wrote Democracy and Education almost a century ago.
Abstract: Eminent educational philosopher Nel Noddings draws on John Dewey's foundational work to reimagine education's aims and curriculum for the 21st century. Noddings looks at education as a multi-aim enterprise in which schools must address needs in all three domains of life: home and family, occupational, and civic. She raises critical questions about the current enthusiasm for standardisation, the search for ""one-best-way"" solutions, and the practice of maintaining a sharp separation between the disciplines. Comprehensive in its scope, chapters examine the liberal arts curriculum, vocational education, restructuring secondary school, extracurricular activities, national and global citizenship, critical thinking, and moral education. Noddings argues that we must find ways to preserve our commitment to democratic values while adapting to the societal changes that have occurred since Dewey wrote Democracy and Education almost a century ago. She urges not only a critical appraisal of current practice but also a cooperative and imaginative exploration of the future.
183 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Indeed, virtually everyone writing on liberal democracy emphasizes the role of a thinking citizenry (Rawls, 1993; Sandel, 1982; Soder, Goodlad & McMannon, 2001)....
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...This involves not only choices made by individuals in their own interests but choices made in the interests of the community (Rawls, 1993; Sandel, 1982)....
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TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that there are significant differences between the concepts of ecological modernization and sustainable development and that conflating them is not only counterproductive for the broader agenda of sustainable development, but also for the environmental policies necessary for realizing sustainable development.
Abstract: In this paper, it is argued that there are significant differences between the concepts of ecological modernization and sustainable development. The different ways in which these concepts frame various approaches to environmental policy have important implications. They affect not only the scope, but also the goals, targets and level of ambition that environmental policy-makers should aim at. Ecological modernization should be seen as a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for sustainable development. Conflating the two is not only counterproductive for the broader agenda of sustainable development, but also for the environmental policies necessary for realizing sustainable development. Therefore, ecological modernization and sustainable development should not be conflated. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
178 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Rawls, 1993, p. 14 footnote) 7....
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...…and the strategic imperatives constitute the particular conception (in the Rawlsian sense) of sustainable development in Our Common Future (Rawls, 1993).6 There is, of course, no necessary link between the concept of sustainable development and the strategic imperatives advocated by the…...
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...Together, the concept of sustainable development and the strategic imperatives constitute the particular conception (in the Rawlsian sense) of sustainable development in Our Common Future (Rawls, 1993)....
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TL;DR: In this article, a realist critique of liberal moralism, identifying descriptive inadequacy and normative irrelevance as the two fundamental lines of criticism, is presented, and an outline of a political theory of modus vivendi is sketched.
Abstract: This article sets out some of the key features of a realist critique of liberal moralism, identifying descriptive inadequacy and normative irrelevance as the two fundamental lines of criticism. It then sketches an outline of a political theory of modus vivendi as an alternative, realist approach to political theory. On this account a modus vivendi should be understood as any political settlement that involves the preservation of peace and security and is generally acceptable to those who are party to it. In conclusion, some problems with this conception of modus vivendi and with a realist political theory more generally are discussed. In particular, the question is raised of whether a realist political theory should be understood as an alternative to liberal moralism or only a better way of doing basically the same kind of thing.
176 citations
Additional excerpts
...John Rawls (1993) Political Liberalism, pp. 147–9....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations