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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this article, the development of deliberative and participatory processes in the UK at sub-national and local level has been surveyed and compared to other polities, and a review of the New Labour and coalition governments' attempts at constitutional reform is presented.
Abstract: Research Highlights and AbstractThis article:Provides an overview of the development of deliberative and participatory democracy in the UK.Critically analyses the success of consecutive UK national governments in fostering deliberative and participatory processes.Surveys the development of deliberative and participatory processes in the UK at sub-national and local level.Provides a starting point for comparative politics on deliberative and participatory democracy between the UK and other polities.This article responds to Michael Saward's call for a more context-specific approach to the study of democracy by exploring developments in, obstacles to, and prospects for, a more deliberative and participatory model of democracy in the UK. A review is undertaken first of the New Labour and coalition governments' attempts at constitutional reform, in order to assess the implications these efforts have had, and continue to have, for the institutionalisation of such a model of democracy. Despite proclamations of l...
36 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...…that deliberative democracy is universal, that the transposition of deliberation from one from polity to another is unproblematic (Habermas 1990; Rawls 1993; Sen 2009) and that institutions and processes designed to enhance deliberation and participation can follow a standardised format in all…...
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TL;DR: It is argued that deliberation may be valued not just instrumentally but also for its procedural features, and what the second-person standpoint in the epistemic context entails and how it compares to Stephen Darwall’s interpretation of the first- person standpoint in ethics.
Abstract: Collective deliberation is fuelled by disagreements and its epistemic value depends, inter alia, on how the participants respond to each other in disagreements. I use this accountability thesis to argue that deliberation may be valued not just instrumentally but also for its procedural features. The instrumental epistemic value of deliberation depends on whether it leads to more or less accurate beliefs among the participants. The procedural epistemic value of deliberation hinges on the relationships of mutual accountability that characterize appropriately conducted deliberation. I will argue that it only comes into view from the second-person standpoint. I shall explain what the second-person standpoint in the epistemic context entails and how it compares to Stephen Darwall’s interpretation of the second-person standpoint in ethics.
36 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: This paper explored interfaith relationships and the nexus of personal and communal religious identity in the United States and found that religious intermarriage is both a reflective and a predictive material representation of the continual movement and redefinition of the boundaries of religious traditions and the boundaries between the religious and the secular.
Abstract: This dissertation explores interfaith relationships and the nexus of personal and communal religious identity in the United States. The thesis is that religious intermarriage is both a reflective and a predictive material representation of the continual movement and redefinition of the boundaries of religious traditions and the boundaries of the religious and secular. Part I chronicles key historical events that contributed to the slow erosion of theological, legal, and social barriers to intermarriage among Catholics, Protestants, and Jews. As authority over religion and marriage moved from church to state to society, an era of ̳intra-religious‘ marriage became one of ̳interreligious‘ marriage by the mid-twentieth century. Part II investigates the characteristics of contemporary intermarriages, based upon qualitative research in the form of in-depth interviews with 43 individuals in ChristianJewish, Christian-Muslim, Christian-Hindu, or Christian-Buddhist marriages. Contrary to the opinions of some prominent voices in religious communities, these contemporary intermarriages are not simply forms of syncretism or secularism; they are much more complex. These couples and families are developing new approaches to religious belief, practice, and communal involvement that challenge normative ideas of what may constitute a religious marriage and family life. An era of ̳interfaith‘ marriage (as distinct from ̳interreligious‘ marriage) is emerging.
36 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors show why European Union (EU) strategies to improve democratic legitimacy by strengthening its publicity have (unnecessarily) failed and why the institutional means chosen are inappropriate to draw the expected public attention and as a consequence most of the aims pursued.
Abstract: This article shows why European Union (EU) strategies to improve democratic legitimacy by strengthening its publicity have (unnecessarily) failed. Due to an ‘under-theorized’ image of democracy, the institutional means chosen are inappropriate to draw the expected public attention and as a consequence most of the aims pursued. Most notably, it misses (in accordance with most of the literature on the EU's democratic deficit) the important distinction between mere transparency and publicity: for improving democratic legitimacy it is not enough for political acts and processes to be published (to be transparent), they also have to be sufficiently perceived by European citizens. This holds true for any democratic theory, even if there are differences in their specific expectations of publicity.
35 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...2 For the value of publicity within contemporary normative conceptions of democracy and political justice, see, for example, Habermas (1996: chs 7 and 8), Rawls (1993, 1999, 2001), Gutmann and Thompson (1996: 95ff.)....
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TL;DR: Ottersen and Dasgupta as discussed by the authors argue that the sustainable development goals need to recognise the structural constraints facing poor countries, the power imbalances in the global economic system that limit their ability to promote the prosperity and well-being of their people.
Abstract: The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were criticised for failing to address the issue of governance, and the associated notions of responsibility and accountability. The Sustainable Development Goals, we argue, need to recognise the structural constraints facing poor countries – the power imbalances in the global economic system that limit their ability to promote the prosperity and well-being of their people, as was clearly brought out by the Commission on Global Governance for Health, of which we were both members [Ottersen, O. P., J. Dasgupta, C. Blouin, Paulo Buss, Virasakdi Chongsuvivatwong, Julio Frenk, Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, et al. 2014. “The Political Origins of Health Inequality: Prospects for Change.” Lancet 383: 630–667]. This article is divided into three parts. We begin by making the case for a global justice perspective which emphasises the responsibility – and hence also accountability – of international organisations and rule-making bodies. We next demonstrate the limitations of accountabi...
35 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...There is no doubt that weak social arrangements in poor countries are a major cause of poverty as Rawls (1993) notes....
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations