scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Book

政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
More filters
Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the work of the Nobel Prize winning economist Professor Amartya Sen from the perspective of human rights and assess the ways in which Sen's research agenda has deepened and expanded human rights discourse in the disciplines of ethics and economics, and examine how his work has promoted cross-fertilisation and integration on this subject across traditional disciplinary divides.
Abstract: his paper analyses the work of the Nobel Prize winning economist Professor Amartya Sen from the perspective of human rights. It assesses the ways in which Sen’s research agenda has deepened and expanded human rights discourse in the disciplines of ethics and economics, and examines how his work has promoted cross-fertilisation and integration on this subject across traditional disciplinary divides. The paper suggests that Sen’s development of a ‘scholarly bridge’ between human rights and economics is an important and innovative contribution that has methodological as well as substantive importance and that provides a prototype and stimuli for future research. It also establishes that the idea of fundamental freedoms and human rights is itself an important gateway into understanding the nature, scope and significance of Sen’s research. The paper concludes with a brief assessment of the challenges to be addressed in taking Sen’s contributions in the field of human rights forward.

35 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…movement and free choice of occupation against a background of diverse opportunities; c)powers and prerogatives of offices and positions of responsibility in the political and economics institutions of the basic structure; d)income and wealth e) the social bases of self-respect (Rawls, 1993, 181)....

    [...]

  • ...First, they must be attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity; and second, they must be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society (Rawls, 1993, 291)....

    [...]

  • ...The Rawlsian framework and the idea of all-purpose general goods Rawls (1973, 1993) highlights the centrality of a person’s real opportunity to pursue his or her objectives to ethical evaluation and characterises primary goods as end-independent means to freedom (such as rights, liberties,…...

    [...]

  • ...Nevertheless, when viewed from the perspective of the justification and elucidation of authoritatively recognized international standards in the field of poverty and human rights, influential theories including Rawls (1973, 1993, 1999, 2001) and O’Neill (1986, 1993, 1996) have important limitations....

    [...]

  • ...He argues that the theories set out in Rawls (1973, 1993, 1999) cannot support a genuinely universal human rights project and focuses on the necessity of types of modifications to the Rawlsian scheme....

    [...]

DissertationDOI
01 Sep 2003
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the notion of "research transfer" between two communities is a flawed way of understanding the research-policy relationship and propose an enhanced theoretical repertoire for understanding this complex social interaction.
Abstract: viii structures (such as medical journals and government advisory bodies) to resolve metapolicy problems (such as how to define complex public health problems in a way that makes them amenable to empirical research and practical action). This study provides good evidence that the notion of ‘research transfer’ between ‘two communities’ is a flawed way of understanding the research–policy relationship. Rethinking the relationship between research and policy involves building an enhanced theoretical repertoire for understanding this complex social interaction. This step is essential to the success of future efforts to make public health policy that is effective, just and emancipatory. This study makes a contribution to this task.

34 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...While the relationship between reason and rationality is the subject of extensive philosophical investigation (Habermas 1984), Rawls’ distinction between them might be usefully employed as a way of conceptualising the constructive and necessary role of values in policy making(25) (Rawls 1993)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The second highest value of social work practice is social justice as discussed by the authors and social justice ranks as the second of five values that underpin the Code of Ethics of the Australian Association of Social Workers (AASW).
Abstract: A cardinal value of social work practice is social justice. Social justice ranks as the second of five values that underpin the Code of Ethics of the Australian Association of Social Workers (AASW. However, although social work's commitment to promoting social justice is laudable and, indeed, may even be a distinguishing feature of the profession, precisely what kind of social justice does social work espouse? The answer to this question remains unclear. Views about the nature and scope of social justice stem from broader conceptions of justice that not only differ from, but may also conflict with, each other. Therefore, it is important not only for social work to be clear about the type of social justice that it currently advocates, but also to ensure that it is one that the profession seeks to defend and maximise. It is argued that the choice must be as egalitarian as possible. Indeed, it must be radically so. Otherwise, what is social work fighting for?

34 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Rather, following Rawls (1993), what is needed is the establishment of a genuine consensus, one that manages to avoid lapsing into a modus vivendi (compromise), about those cultural traditions and practices that can be seen to overlap and be shared, without devaluing outstanding differences....

    [...]

Judith Vega1
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In the philosophical and cultural controversy between modernity and postmodernism, one often gets the feeling that'modernity' is being reduced to an implausible simplicity as mentioned in this paper, which is an attempt to counter that reductionism and the resulting opposition.
Abstract: In the philosophical and cultural controversy between modernity and postmodernism one often gets the feeling that 'modernity' is being reduced to an implausible simplicity. This book is an attempt to counter that reductionism and the resulting opposition. It does so with feminist motives. Feminist philosophy has become divided against itself along lines which may be misbegotten from the view of its proper concerns. Instead of having feminism drawn into either of the 'grand narratives', I will employ its proper well-tried strategy of re-interpreting and replenishing the canon of texts involved. The Enlightenment has been made to pose as providing the foundations of modern thought and hence is subject of my study of what exactly is being 'invented' under this title. In this book, feminist scholarship on Enlightenment thought is reviewed, and placed within the context of the debates on modernity versus postmodernity. I propose some novel conceptual perspectives from which to understand Enlightenment's wrestling with the problem of gender. The result is a history of discourses, rather than a history of ideas. The entanglement of 'modern women' in modern politics, society, and aesthetics is described, and various configurations of the modern representation of gender, and the representation of gender in modernity, result. In the first chapter several theoretical issues that arise in interpreting the Enlightenment from a feminist perspective are addressed. Most of these relate to two questions: first, how to make relevant for feminist concerns the notion that we narrate, not find, history, and second, how to grasp the vital motives of critique pertaining to the project of Enlightenment. The chapter concludes with reflections on a notion of feminist politics which does not simply duplicate the identity politics ensuing from modernity's powerful domain of the 'social'. The subsequent chapters are essays on respectively natural rights theory and in particular Thomas Hobbes; Enlightenment's salons and art idioms; eighteenth century civic humanism; David Hume as the founding father of the Scottish Enlightenment; and finally Immanuel Kant. The novel conceptual perspectives proposed allow for arguing that in many instances, so-called 'postmodern' themes show up in the texts of the Enlightenment. I will focus on concepts which from postmodern views are not usually associated with the Enlightenment, like irony, contingency, and style, as well as representation in constructionist, not just depictional sense and from nominalist, not just realist concerns. The essays address diverse ranges of thought and various lines of argument, but eventually are principally concerned with reflecting on issues relevant to a feminist political philosophy. 'The Enlightenment' turns out to offer astute reflections on such issues, and sometimes where they are probably least expected, as with Hobbes, republicanism, and Kant. Enlightenment thinkers were hardly oblivious to the notion that the personal is political. This study, then, turns against reductionist depictions of 'the' Enlightenment as a discourse of foundationalist epistemology, dualist codes, abstract universalism and rationalism, and narrowly conceived of identity politics - representations which appear merely to serve heroic counter-assertions. This study invites reactivating the motives of criticism pertaining to enlightenment thought, while granting the rightness of several critical motives guiding postmodern philosophy. It is a philosophical inquiry into a 'contingently determined' problematic of modern gender, in which irony rather than dualism characterizes knowledges about gender, and in the face of which a feminist conception of politics is to counteract the defining powers of 'the social' with respect to identity and knowledge.

34 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that crisis is a fundamentally reflexive concept that bridges our traditional distinctions between objective phenomena and normative experience, and whose very usage implies the active participation of those involved in it. But as central as crisis experiences have been for the shaping of our political imaginary, the concept itself has proven difficult to incorporate into the political theory enterprise.
Abstract: “Crisis” is a key concept in our political lexicon. Since the beginning of the modern age, it has arguably been, as much as anything, the experience of crisis that has calibrated the aims of both politics and political theory. But as central as crisis experiences have been for the shaping of our political imaginary, the concept itself has proven difficult to incorporate into the political theory enterprise. In this article, I argue that we can think politically about crisis by taking up a “pragmatist” perspective that focuses on how we deploy crisis as a conceptual tool for guiding judgments and coordinating actions. I argue that crisis is a fundamentally reflexive concept that bridges our traditional distinctions between objective phenomena and normative experience, and whose very usage implies the active participation of those involved in it. Only by examining these crucial aspects of the crisis concept can we begin to grasp its normative political content, as well as how it may be deployed in the servi...

34 citations


Additional excerpts

  • ...John Rawls (1993) Political Liberalism....

    [...]

References
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations