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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: Sen's "silence" on the substantive content of an account of justice is due in large measure to his stringent emphasis on plurality, agency and choice; he turns to democratic processes that allow for public reasoning and social choice to attend to judgements about justice as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Amartya Sen has critiqued theories of justice in the liberal tradition for not focusing on actual human living and failing to be truly egalitarian. However, in the absence of a theoretical approach of his own that comprehensively links capabilities and social justice, others have criticised him for not telling us exactly which capabilities should be guaranteed for all citizens in a ‘just’ society. Sen's ‘silence’ on the substantive content of an account of justice is due in large measure to his stringent emphasis on plurality, agency and choice; he turns to democratic processes that allow for public reasoning and social choice to attend to judgements about justice. Yet this critical role for democracy is undermined in Sen's elaboration in the absence of requirements of justice that would protect democracy's fair and effective functioning in a manner consistent with capability egalitarianism. There is need for a fuller account of justice concerning actual opportunities for political participation than is a...
33 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...He required that ‘‘citizens similarly gifted and motivated have roughly an equal chance of influencing the government’s policy and of attaining positions of authority irrespective of their economic and social class’’ (Rawls, 1993, p. 358)....
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...While resources (or Rawls’ ‘primary goods’, which include income, wealth, opportunities, powers, rights and liberties; see Rawls, 1971, 1993) usefully take us well beyond utility and rights, they do not equate with well-being....
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...…reaffirms that the territory of justice reserved by Rawls for the evaluative space of ‘primary goods’ (under the Difference Principle, the second part of the second principle in Rawls’ theory of justice; see Rawls, 1971, 1993) is ‘‘better served by the capability perspective’’ (Sen, 2005, p. 157)....
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TL;DR: The authors argue that all alternatives to national identities are likely to be ineffective sources of social unity and describe a type of national identity that can foster social unity through cultural diversity, which Britain would do well to adopt.
Abstract: Social unity is a challenge for all culturally diverse polities. Britain is no different, as the race riots of 2001 illustrated. Political theorists agree that social unity is important because it is a necessary precondition for social justice, peacefully resolving disputes and effective democratic institutions. Political theorists claim that shared identities can help to foster social unity in culturally diverse polities. Conspicuously, however, many have shied away from the one type of shared identity that has a proven track record of fostering social unity: national identity. This is because national identities are hostile to cultural diversity. I, however, argue that all alternatives to national identities are likely to be ineffective sources of social unity. I try therefore to describe a type of national identity that can foster social unity through cultural diversity. I call such a national identity a multicultural national identity, which Britain would do well to adopt.
33 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Scholars agree that social unity is important to foster social justice (Rawls 1996), peacefully resolve conflicts (Miller 1999), and create effective democratic institutions (Dahl 2000)....
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...John Rawls, for example, discusses how an Overlapping Consensus can foster stability and unity, without explaining what the latter is (Rawls 1996)....
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...Creating a multiculturally constituted common culture will involve relinquishing certain cultural particularities, or what Rawls (1996) might call ‘Comprehensive’ philosophical, moral and religious differences....
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Posted Content•
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore "anti-cosmopolitan" arguments that shared institutions above the state are not of a kind that support or give rise to distributive claims beyond securing minimum needs.
Abstract: The present article explores ‘anti-cosmopolitan’ arguments, that shared institutions above the state, such as there are, are not of a kind that support or give rise to distributive claims beyond securing minimum needs. The upshot is to rebut certain of these ‘anti-cosmopolitann’ arguments. Section 2 asks under which conditions institutions are subject to distributive justice norms. That is, which sound reasons support claims to a relative share of the benefits of institutions that exist and apply to individuals? Such norms may require strict equality, Rawls’ Difference Principle, or other constraints on inequality. Section 2 considers, and rejects, several arguments why existing international institutions are not thought to meet these conditions.
33 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Rawls, 1993: 268–9) labour (Scheffler, 2006)....
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...For our purposes it has two noteworthy features purposes: the BS includes institutions that specify and allocate legal powers among private parties and thus ‘govern the transactions and agreements between individuals and associations’ (Rawls, 1993: 268)....
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01 Jan 2013
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a list of figures and dedications for each of the following types of figures: 1) Abbreviations, 2) Dedication, 3)
Abstract: ............................................................................................................................ x List of Figures ................................................................................................................... xi Abbreviations .................................................................................................................. xii Dedication.................................................................................................................................xiii
33 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations