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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper responds to the move to liberate children from parental authority and to effect the transformation of the family as implied by the United Nations' "Convention on the Rights of the Child" and the pediatric bioethics it supports.
Abstract: In this paper, I offer a view beyond that which would narrowly reduce the role of parents in medical decision making to acting as custodians of the best interests of children and toward an account of family authority and family autonomy. As a fundamental social unit, the good of the family is usually appreciated, at least in part, in terms of its ability successfully to instantiate its core moral and cultural understandings as well as to pass on such commitments to future generations. The putative rights of children to expression, information, freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and to freedom of association with others are, in this essay, assessed from the perspective of those conditions necessary for the family to function as a moral community. In so doing, I respond to the move to liberate children from parental authority and to effect the transformation of the family as implied by the United Nations' "Convention on the Rights of the Child" and the pediatric bioethics it supports.

33 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that two basic pedagogical strategies are required to teach civic attention: (1) civic hermeneutics (interpreting other citizens with the aim of granting them civic respect) and (2) civic staging (organizing public space to allow citizens to better communicate).
Abstract: This study illustrates the special value of theater for conducting civic education. It begins by identifying the features of good citizenship in the United States. Citizenship in America includes rights, interests, affections, duties, and virtues. We focus on one duty, civic respect, and the virtue most necessary to meet that duty—civic attention. Unless citizens pay respectful attention to one another, some will be left in civic bondage—voiceless in the political community or consigned to second-class citizenship. One remedy to the problem of civic bondage is civic education that teaches civic respect through civic attention. We argue that two basic pedagogical strategies are required to teach civic attention: (1) civic hermeneutics (interpreting other citizens with the aim of granting them civic respect) and (2) civic staging (organizing public space to allow citizens to better communicate). We then argue that theater—including classical and experimental varieties—is especially valuable for tea...

33 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Persons devoted to a liberal democratic regime disagree about many things, yet share an ‘‘overlapping consensus’’ committing us to preserving basic liberties such as freedom of speech, private ownership of property, and the right to vote (Rawls 1993, 133–172; and 1999, 421–448 and 473–498)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Since PM is still more an ideal than an achieved reality, a plurality of visions is to be expected and the authors need to pay attention to the people, reasons and interests behind these alternative conceptions.
Abstract: The idea of personalised medicine (PM) has gathered momentum recently, attracting funding and generating hopes as well as scepticism. As PM gives rise to differing interpretations, there have been several attempts to clarify the concept. In an influential paper published in this journal, Schleidgen and colleagues have proposed a precise and narrow definition of PM on the basis of a systematic literature review. Given that their conclusion is at odds with those of other recent attempts to understand PM, we consider whether their systematic review gives them an edge over competing interpretations. We have found some methodological weaknesses and questionable assumptions in Schleidgen and colleagues’ attempt to provide a more specific definition of PM. Our perplexities concern the lack of criteria for assessing the epistemic strength of the definitions that they consider, as well as the logical principles used to extract a more precise definition, the narrowness of the pool from which they have drawn their empirical data, and finally their overlooking the fact that definitions depend on the context of use. We are also worried that their ethical assumption that only patients’ interests are legitimate is too simplistic and drives all other stakeholders’ interests—including those that are justifiable—underground, thus compromising any hope of a transparent and fair negotiation among a plurality of actors and interests. As an alternative to the shortcomings of attempting a semantic disciplining of the concept we propose a pragmatic approach. Rather than considering PM to be a scientific concept in need of precise demarcation, we look at it as an open and negotiable concept used in a variety of contexts including at the level of orienting research goals and policy objectives. We believe that since PM is still more an ideal than an achieved reality, a plurality of visions is to be expected and we need to pay attention to the people, reasons and interests behind these alternative conceptions. In other words, the logic and politics of PM cannot be disentangled and disagreements need to be tackled addressing the normative and strategic conflicts behind them.

33 citations

DissertationDOI
31 May 2018
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the failure of the curatorial discourse of New Institutionalism in relation to the Public Programme at Tate Modern and show how learning activities in Tate Modern continued to deploy the values of New institutionalism (in particular, those of dialogue and participation) long after its failure and decline.
Abstract: This thesis examines the failure of the curatorial discourse of ‘New Institutionalism’ in relation to the Public Programme at Tate Modern. It argues that New Institutionalism, despite being unable to describe the complexity of art organisations, nevertheless recognised the importance of the latter as an active part of democracy. In the course of its investigation, the thesis establishes a unique history of Public Programming at Tate Modern and shows how learning activities in Tate Modern continued to deploy the values of New Institutionalism (in particular, those of dialogue and participation) long after its failure and decline. By developing an understanding of Tate Modern's Public Programme beyond the oppositional politics of New Institutionalism, the thesis seeks also to develop a more complex analysis of democracy in relation to art museum politics. In so doing, it explores practices of power and authority in the art museum and considers the importance of the museum in relation to democratic citizenship and community, arguing that an art museum is the agent of a more complex learning about the nature and politicisation of ‘the democratic’. Similarly, by drawing attention to the public spaces of the art museum, and by engaging with urgent issues of openness and publicness, the thesis investigates the site-specificity of museum practices after New Institutionalism. Finally, the thesis argues that Tate Modern Public Programming performs a role in democratic society that moves beyond learning about art and towards a reimagining of democracy itself. Activities in an art museum, it claims, are not models for democratic society, but rather, they represent democracy in action, evidencing a complex and potent site where issues including politics, community, control and creativity are at stake.

32 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...” Dryzek here refers to the ‘workable agreements’ of Sunstein (1997), but also appeals to John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas and their work on deliberation as a functional tool in democracy (Habermas, 1989; Rawls, 1993)....

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References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations