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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Dissertation
14 Apr 2014
TL;DR: The field of professional organizations in North America that promote and assist democratization movements around the world has been studied in this paper, where they use a form of specialized expert knowledge to help activists, politicians and civil society organizations build democratic institutions.
Abstract: The subject of this dissertation research is the field of professional organizations in North America that promote and assist democratization movements around the world. These organizations use a form of specialized expert knowledge to help activists, politicians and civil society organizations build democratic institutions. Specifically, this research investigates how historical academic debates shape the everyday practices of professionals in this field, and how these practices in turn shape contemporary debates. The study adopts a mixed methods approach by combining an intellectual history of democracy research and qualitative interview research with professionals working in the field. By examining the everyday practice of expertise, this dissertation contributes to emerging scholarly debates spanning the intersections of the sociology of knowledge, political sociology and international development studies by asking an ancient question. How can democracy be a collection of popular political ideals, yet also the object of specialized, technical or social scientific knowledge? According to the findings of this research, the contemporary practice of democracy assistance emerged out of debates about this paradox and, more importantly, organizations within this field rely on the insoluble nature of democratic theory and practice to justify expert interventions in countries struggling for democracy.

32 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Leif Wenar1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine Rawls's and Scanlon's surprisingly undemanding contractualist accounts of global moral principles and propose a new cosmopolitan economic original position argument to make up for this lack.
Abstract: This article examines Rawls's and Scanlon's surprisingly undemanding contractualist accounts of global moral principles. Scanlon's Principle of Rescue requires too little of the world's rich unless the causal links between them and the poor are unreliable. Rawls's principle of legitimacy leads him to theorize in terms of a law of peoples instead of persons, and his conception of a people leads him to spurn global distributive equality. Rawls's approach has advantages over the cosmopolitan egalitarianism of Beitz and Pogge. But it cannot generate principles to regulate the entire global economic order. The article proposes a new cosmopolitan economic original position argument to make up for this lack in Rawls's Law of Peoples.

32 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Rawls’s fundamental norm is that coercive political power is only legitimate when exercised in accordance with ideas that all who are coerced can reasonably accept (Rawls 1993, 136-7)....

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  • ...This constrains legitimate domestic institutions to those that assure priority for basic rights and Wenar - 8 opportunities, and provide assurance that all citizens will have adequate means to take advantage of these (Rawls 1993, 6)....

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  • ...This norm first appears in Political Liberalism (Rawls 1993)....

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01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: This book discusses the development of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in the 1960s and its application in the context of the Cold War.
Abstract: ............................................................................................ii Dedication..........................................................................................v Acknowledgements...............................................................................vi Vita.................................................................................................viii List of Tables.......................................................................................x List of Figures.....................................................................................xi Chapter One: Introduction.......................................................................1 Chapter Two: Putative Intersubjective Beliefs...................................................34 Chapter Three: Détente..........................................................................91 Chapter Four: The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty............................................146 Chapter Five: The Decline of Détente........................................................202 Chapter Six: Conclusion.........................................................................245 References........................................................................................271

31 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors defend a conception of citizenship and political solidarity that encompasses an ethics of memory and the recognition of obligations that come from history, arguing that citizens ought to remember the deeds of their predecessors and to apologize and make recompense for historical injustices.
Abstract: This article defends a conception of citizenship and political solidarity that encompasses an ethics of memory and the recognition of obligations that come from history. It claims that citizens ought to remember the deeds of their predecessors and to apologize and make recompense for historical injustices. To establish that such obligations exist it is necessary to contend with a tradition of liberal philosophical thought that regards history as irrelevant to the duties of citizens and their relationship as members of a political society. `Ahistorical liberalism' not only fails to appreciate the importance to people of historical memories. It also faces serious philosophical and moral difficulties. The obligations and rights of citizens are best understood in the framework of a relationship of intergenerational cooperation that gives citizens duties in respect to the past as well as the future.

31 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...1 One of the most important liberal philosophers of the 20 century, John Rawls (1971, 1993), does not even consider the possibility that citizens might have duties in respect to the historical past....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A leader is perceived to be distinctive. Many images depict leaders as higher, larger, or further along toward some objective as mentioned in this paper, which can be explained by the hierarchical implications of lead.
Abstract: Ordinarily, a leader is perceived to be distinctive. Many images depict leaders as higher, larger, or further along toward some objective. In order to downplay the hierarchical implications of lead...

31 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Equality is the baseline, the starting point, a threshold (Rawls, 1993: 79)....

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References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations