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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: The authors give an overview of the linguistic justice debate in normative political philosophy and situate Philippe Van Parijs's position within it, by zooming in on Van-Parijs' two major normative claims: the support of the rise of English as the global lingua franca and the defence of linguistic territoriality.
Abstract: This introduction does three things. We first give an overview of the linguistic justice debate in normative political philosophy. We then situate Philippe Van Parijs’s position within it, by zooming in on Van Parijs’s two major normative claims: the support of the rise of English as the global lingua franca and the defence of linguistic territoriality. Finally, we clarify how each of the essays that follow this introduction relates to those two claims.
30 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Scholars like Taylor (1994), Kymlicka (1995), Patten (2001) and Van Parijs (2011) have expounded this view....
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the symphony orchestra's potential to contribute to the making of civil society and highlight orchestral attempts to reach new communities through repertoire choices, outreach projects, interactive digital technologies, and initiatives addressing poverty and environmentalism.
Abstract: This article explores the symphony orchestra's potential to contribute to the making of civil society. It highlights orchestral attempts to reach new communities through repertoire choices, outreach projects, interactive digital technologies, and initiatives addressing poverty and environmentalism. Metaphors of the ‘orchestra as society’, which have been shaped by notions of social relations, are outlined to provide a platform for considering the institution as a social agent in the contemporary world. The social conscience of symphony orchestras is illustrated with ethnographic case studies mainly from the British context: the City of Birmingham Symphony Orchestra's tribute concerts for the qawwali singer Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan and the ‘Rafi Resurrected’ recordings, the London Symphony Orchestra Gamelan community project and the Philharmonia Orchestra's digital project, ‘Re-Rite’. Orchestral advocacy and the quest for contemporary social relevance stand in contrast to pessimistic views in the late twentie...
30 citations
TL;DR: NICE’s overall approach to evaluating health technologies and setting priorities for health-care coverage is a reasonable one, making it an exemplar for other health- Care systems facing similar coverage dilemmas, and an alternative to the well-known Accountability for Reasonableness model.
Abstract: Health systems that aim to secure universal patient access through a scheme of prepayments—whether through taxes, social insurance, or a combination of the two—need to make decisions on the scope of coverage that they guarantee: such tasks often falling to a priority-setting agency. This article analyzes the decision-making processes at one such agency in particular—the UK’s National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE)—and appraises their ethical justifiability. In particular, we consider the extent to which NICE’s model can be justified on the basis of Rawls’s conception of “reasonableness.” This test shares certain features with the well-known Accountability for Reasonableness (AfR) model but also offers an alternative to it, being concerned with how far the values used by priority-setting agencies such as NICE meet substantive conditions of reasonableness irrespective of their procedural virtues. We find that while there are areas in which NICE’s processes may be improved, NICE’s overall approach to evaluating health technologies and setting priorities for health-care coverage is a reasonable one, making it an exemplar for other health-care systems facing similar coverage dilemmas. In so doing we offer both a framework for analysing the ethical justifiability of NICE’s processes and one that might be used to evaluate others.
30 citations
TL;DR: The later Rawls attempts to offer a non-comprehensive, but nonetheless moral justification in political philosophy as discussed by the authors, but this is not a good approach for the rational hope that citizens will assign political values priority over non-political values in cases of conflict about political matters.
Abstract: The later Rawls attempts to offer a non-comprehensive, but nonetheless moral justification in political philosophy. Many critics of political liberalism doubt that this is successful, but Rawlsians often complain that such criticisms rely on the unwarranted assumption that one cannot offer a moral justification other than by taking a philosophically comprehensive route. In this article, I internally criticize the justification strategy employed by the later Rawls. I show that he cannot offer us good grounds for the rational hope that citizens will assign political values priority over non-political values in cases of conflict about political matters. I also suggest an alternative approach to justification in political philosophy (that is, a weak realist, Williams-inspired account) that better respects the later Rawls’s concern with non-comprehensiveness and pluralism than either his own view or more comprehensive approaches. Thus, if we take reasonable pluralism seriously, then we should adopt what Shklar...
30 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...See, for example, Dreben (2003) and Larmore (1990); see also Krasnoff (1998) and Peritz (n.d.)....
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...…also special in a further sense: according to Rawls, a morally endorsed stability is more long-lasting than a prudential compromise (a ‘mere modus vivendi’ in his terms), since it is not hostage to the fortune of shifting power alliances (Rawls, 1996: 148–9; 2001: 195; see also Larmore, 1990: 346)....
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TL;DR: The authors explores the roles of social justice and the "ethics of care" as animating forces for social change in light of the near universal ascendance of the principles of market-based economics and of their extension into nonmarket areas of social concern, particularly in the United States.
Abstract: This essay explores the roles of social justice and the “ethics of care” as animating forces for social change in light of the near universal ascendance of the principles of market-based economics and of their extension into nonmarket areas of social concern, particularly in the United States. The main argument is that linking the “ethics of care”, social justice, and power makes possible the development of a democratic political and social agenda that can respectively aid in meeting the caregiver needs of the nation and contribute to the transformation of gender roles associated with care.
30 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...Sterba (1994) takes issue with the incommensurability thesis and its proponents (e.g., MacIntyre, 1981; Rawls, 1993) and show how even a libertarian conception of justice supports the practical requirements usually associated with a welfare liberal conception of justice, namely, a right to welfare and a right to equal opportunity....
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...Sterba (1994) takes issue with the incommensurability thesis and its proponents (e.g., MacIntyre, 1981; Rawls, 1993) and show how even a libertarian conception of justice supports the practical requirements usually associated with a welfare liberal conception of justice, namely, a right to welfare…...
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References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations