scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Book•

政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

John Rawls, 俊人 万
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
More filters
Journal Article•
Professional Ethics in a Postmodern Society

[...]

David Schultz
08 Dec 2014-Public Integrity
TL;DR: The ethical values that guide the public, private, and nonprofit sectors have traditionally been seen as distinct from one another as well as from the values that govern personal relationships as discussed by the authors. But recent trends in the economy and employment are blurring these distinctions.
Abstract: The ethical values that guide the public, private, and nonprofit sectors have traditionally been seen as distinct from one another as well as from the values that guide personal relationships. However, recent trends in the economy and employment are blurring these distinctions. This commentary discusses these trends, contending that what is emerging is a new postmodern world of work. It is marked by a blurring of public and private lives as well as an increasingly fine line separating the three economic sectors. As a result, the ethical rules that apply to different facets of life and work are being challenged, necessitating a rethinking of the moral boundaries and rules governing professional behavior.

24 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...John Rawls (1993) suggests that different norms demarcate public and private morality....

    [...]

Journal Article•DOI•
Property and the right to water : toward a non-liberal commons.

[...]

Jeremy J. Schmidt1, Kyle R. Mitchell2•
University of Western Ontario1, University of Strathclyde2
01 Mar 2014-Review of Radical Political Economics

24 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Shue (1996), for instance, argues that we can secure three basic rights for persons—subsistence, security, and liberty—for understanding and contextualizing reciprocal moral, political, and economic obligations. While others, such as Teeple (2005), argue that there are no elemental, inherent, or universal aspects to human rights except that they are contextualized by particular modes of production and, as such, are reflective of broader programs in political economy and prevailing relations of property rights....

    [...]

  • ...Shue (1996), for instance, argues that we can secure three basic rights for persons—subsistence, security, and liberty—for understanding and contextualizing reciprocal moral, political, and economic obligations. While others, such as Teeple (2005), argue that there are no elemental, inherent, or universal aspects to human rights except that they are contextualized by particular modes of production and, as such, are reflective of broader programs in political economy and prevailing relations of property rights. Given the tension between the fact that any operational human right adheres to a particular person and ambivalence towards essentialist forms of universal definitions of said person(s), human rights can be seen as relative to a given social system and its corresponding political expressions (i.e. the other types of rights already recognized in a given social system and around which social and ecological relationships are ordered). For instance, since other rights are predicated upon it, the most basic human right is that to an adequate standard of living (UDHR: Article 25): food, clothing, housing, and medical care (amongst others). Yet explaining the fit of “basic rights” implicates theories of how various rights fit together. And in the instance of the UDHR, the basic organizing premises for interpreting human rights are rarely (if ever) referenced to its vitalist roots. Rather, interpretations take their leave from liberalism that, as Watson (1999) argues, is tied to a conceptualization of individuality and rights of non-interference....

    [...]

  • ...Shue (1996), for instance, argues that we can secure three basic rights for persons—subsistence, security, and liberty—for understanding and contextualizing reciprocal moral, political, and economic obligations....

    [...]

Journal Article•DOI•
Discursive Australia: Refugees, Australianness, and the Australian public sphere

[...]

Jane Mummery, Debbie Rodan1•
Edith Cowan University1
03 Aug 2007-Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies
TL;DR: The discussion within Australia of e... as discussed by the authors is a discussion about who comes to this country and the circumstances in which they come, and who decides who comes and why they come.
Abstract: [W]e decide who comes to this country and the circumstances in which they come. (Prime Minister John Howard, Campaign Launch, 21 Oct. 2001, Sydney) Introduction The discussion within Australia of e...

24 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...The latest manifestation of this view is the debate on Australian values that was instituted in the aftermath of the Cronulla Riots and Prime Minister John Howard’s reflective speech on national identity, delivered to the National Press Club on Australia Day 2006....

    [...]

  • ...As one letter writer puts it: John Howard’s Government was overwhelmingly elected on a policy of firm action where illegal immigrants were concerned....

    [...]

  • ...(Prime Minister John Howard, Campaign Launch, 21 Oct. 2001, Sydney)...

    [...]

  • ...Hence, a democratic community, as Mouffe sees it, is neither the result of rational communicative debate among disinterested citizens who have reached consensus as John Rawls (1993) suggests, nor is it the result of shared norms as Habermas (1984) suggests....

    [...]

Journal Article•DOI•
Shari’a and legal pluralism in the West

[...]

Bryan S. Turner1, Berna Zengin Arslan2•
University of Western Sydney1, City University of New York2
12 May 2011-European Journal of Social Theory
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that legal pluralism and in particular the question of Shari'a tribunals may prove to be a more decisive test of Western multiculturalism.
Abstract: Since 9/11, the possibilities for pluralism and tolerance have been severely tested by a discourse of terrorism and security. The development of an intelligent and cosmopolitan understanding between religious communities in Europe and America has been compromised by a range of legal and political responses to terrorism. While the debate about the berqa has clearly indicated the problems relating to Muslim cultural differences, we argue that legal pluralism and in particular the question of Shari’a tribunals may prove to be a more decisive test of Western multiculturalism. This article examines the many criticisms raised against religious arbitration in domestic affairs and considers the presence of the Shari’a at various levels of society, claiming that the evolution of Sharia-mindedness is compatible both with a faith-based life and with liberal ideals. However, the problem with religious courts lies elsewhere, namely with the fragmentation of social life and the erosion of citizenship. The article concl...

24 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Between disagreement and consensus: Unravelling the democratic paradox

[...]

Adrian Little1•
University of Melbourne1
09 Jul 2007-Australian Journal of Political Science
TL;DR: The idea of rational consensus has become an increasingly controversial dimension of recent democratic theory as radical democratic theorists have challenged the ways in which liberal democracies deal with political disagreement and contestation.
Abstract: The idea of a rational consensus has become an increasingly controversial dimension of recent democratic theory as radical democratic theorists have challenged the ways in which liberal democracies deal with political disagreement and contestation. As a result, several theorists within the liberal tradition have attempted to incorporate models of dissent in their democratic arguments but this paper contends that they tend to result in forms of majoritarianism or proceduralism which reflect the original limitations that inspired the radical democratic critique. A more useful approach is one that recognises that contestation is inherent to democratic politics and understands that the paradox of democracy is the need to embrace the impossibility of establishing rational consensus in democratic practice.

24 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Consensus can be viewed in numerous ways although increasingly influential liberal theorists are less concerned with agreement about substantive moral beliefs and more focused on consensus around democratic procedures (Rawls 1993; Habermas 1996)....

    [...]

References
More filters
Journal Article•DOI•
Political liberalism: Reasonableness and democratic practice

[...]

Sebastiano Maffettone
01 Sep 2004-Philosophy & Social Criticism
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Human Development and Economic Sustainability

[...]

Sudhir Anand1, Amartya Sen2•
University of Oxford1, University of Cambridge2
01 Dec 2000-World Development
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Multiple modernities: Kitchens for an African elite

[...]

Deborah Pellow1•
Syracuse University1
01 Mar 2015-Home Cultures
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Survey Article: The Coming of Age of Deliberative Democracy

[...]

James Bohman1•
Saint Louis University1
01 Dec 1998-Journal of Political Philosophy
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Recognition without Ethics

[...]

Nancy Fraser1•
The New School1
01 Jun 2001-Theory, Culture & Society
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations