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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
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...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
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...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
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...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
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...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this paper, a synthesis of the nexus-of-contracts and the Knightian view of the firm is presented, which provides novel insights into the normative adequacy of the investor-centered firm.
Abstract: The normative foundations of the investor centered model of corporate governance, represented in mainstream economics by the nexus-of-contracts view of the firm, have come under attack, mainly by proponents of normative stakeholder theory. We argue that the nexus-of-contracts view is static and limited due to its assumption of price-output certainty. We attempt a synthesis of the nexus-of-contracts and the Knightian views, which provides novel insights into the normative adequacy of the investor-centered firm. Implications for scholarship and management practice follow from our discussion
18 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider a number of proposals for how democracy can be redesigned so as to mediate such a conflict and thereby better secure the demands of intergenerational justice.
Abstract: This paper explores one aspect of the problem of intergenerational justice that has largely been overlooked in the philosophical literature, namely, the fact that securing a just distribution of benefits and burdens between generations is a problem of transition: that is, a problem of how to realize the move from a world marked by intertemporal injustice to one in which the demands of justice between generations have finally been realized. More precisely, the difficulty is to identify a normatively defensible and institutionally accessible trajectory of social change from here to there. And that, in turn, requires us to combine considerations of justice and of fairness with those of democracy and institutional design. My question is thus whether there is a conflict or tension between justice and democracy in this regard and if so how, if at all, it can be overcome. To answer this question, I consider a number of proposals for how democracy can be redesigned so as to mediate such a conflict and thereby better secure the demands of intergenerational justice. As against their defenders, my central claim is that all of the proposals to address this problem themselves suffer from a fundamental weakness, namely, that they all assume that despite the fact that democracy is by its very nature ill-equipped to secure intergenerational justice, it is possible to nevertheless rely on democracy to solve this problem in the first place. But that, to put it colloquially, is like thinking that one can pull oneself up by one’s own bootstraps. Finally, I conclude by sketching the shape and contours of a solution to this problem that is better able than the alternatives to escape this objection.
18 citations
01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors introduce and sketch central themes in the contemporary political philosophy of justice and discuss different claims regarding the scope of principles of justice, in particular distributive justice.
Abstract: In this chapter, we introduce and sketch central themes in the contemporary political philosophy of justice. We restrict ourselves to one particular tradition, namely the one that can loosely be called “analytical political philosophy,” and for reasons we explain in the chapter, we take the work of John Rawls as the starting point of our interpretation. Even with this restriction, it is not possible to take into account all important modern developments within this tradition. Therefore, we further restrict our focus to some specific questions and areas. In particular, we first discuss the Rawlsian claim that the basic structure is the first or primary subject of justice. Discussions of the basic structure and the implications of this Rawlsian view have been central and agenda-setting in the modern development of analytical political philosophy. Consequently, we examine prominent and differing interpretations of both (a) how the basic structure is to be understood and (b) what it means for the basic structure to be the primary subject of justice. On this basis, we then discuss different claims regarding the scope of principles of justice, in particular distributive justice. This then leads to a discussion of the extensions of justice in space and time, of whether and, if so, how principles of justice developed to apply within single societies could apply to relations between people who are not members of the same state or who belong to non-overlapping generations. In recent years, these two areas of international (or global) and intergenerational justice have seen a comparatively large increase in interest. We conclude by outlining a few additional research questions that we think are, and ought to be, of central importance in thinking philosophically about justice, in particular when the research is meant to contribute to an understanding of the relevance of ideals of justice in addressing the reality of a less-than-just status quo.
18 citations
TL;DR: In this article, it is argued that PMC can be interpreted in two fundamentally different ways, namely, as the freedom to arrange one's sexual life according to one's own values and preferences (PMC(a)) or as the view that consensual sex is morally all right or morally unobjectionable.
Abstract: Constitutive of the prevalent sexual morality in most Western European countries is the liberal principle of mutual consent (PMC). This sociological fact may give rise to the ethical question as to whether or not the state has the right to make sure that its citizens will observe PMC, among other ways by prescribing some form of sex education which has PMC as its moral content. With reference to the ambiguity of the term ‘morally permissible’, it is argued that PMC can be interpreted in two fundamentally different ways, namely, as the freedom to arrange one's sexual life according to one's own values and preferences (PMC(a)) or as the view that consensual sex is morally all right or morally unobjectionable (PMC(b)). The claim is defended that PMC(a) should be taken as part of the public morality, whereas PMC(b) should be seen as a private morality. Accordingly, the state has the right to take PMC(a) as a basis for its educational policy, but the state is not allowed to prescribe any form of sex education ...
18 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze how three major political theorists, John Rawls, Michael Walzer and Friedrich Hayek, dealt with the issue of policing in an era of pluralism and propose the principle of non-domination, defined as freedom from interference on an arbitrary basis.
Abstract: The problem of policing is often portrayed as providing sufficient personnel to sate demand. Pluralism, however, complicates the issue since the public disagree among themselves over which activities or individuals should be policed. In turn, police priorities may differ from these demands, inciting public discontent. In these circumstances, how can public policing sustain its legitimacy? Lessons can be learnt from how political theories have grappled with pluralism and legitimacy. This article analyses how three major political theorists, John Rawls, Michael Walzer and Friedrich Hayek, dealt with these issues. It mines their insights to nominate the principle of non-domination, defined as freedom from interference on an arbitrary basis, as best suited to justify policing in an era of pluralism.
18 citations