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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
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...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
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...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
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...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
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...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
References
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the reported experiences of nine adult entrants during the second year of a work-related degree course and proposed a threshold-of-induction (TOI) model, based on the COR model.
Abstract: In a previous study it has been suggested that there are six stages that adults move through before they feel ready to participate in higher education, and proposed a chain-of-response (COR) model to describe the process. In this study we examine the reported experiences of nine adult entrants during the second year of a work-related degree course. The analysis of the previous studies accounts of the process indicated that a sequential model of the type introduced did not adequately describe the process of induction experienced. Here ‘induction’ is taken to mean something more than the short institutional induction process organised by the university. What participants in this study described was a gradual transformation that occurs in each individual until they are ready to accept the identity of ‘student’ – a transformation that not all achieved, even those who appeared to be meeting all course requirements. On the basis of this analysis we propose a threshold-of-induction (TOI) model, based on the COR ...
17 citations
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TL;DR: This article argued that the perceived conflict between liberalism and environmental education is exaggerated and argued that environmental education that will better equip citizens to cope with environmental problems is quite possible for liberal politics and is compatible with meeting the demands of intergenerational justice, which arguably will include sustainability education if not other forms of environmental education.
Abstract: Recently scholars have wondered whether liberals can promote mandatory programs of formal environmental education, including education for the environment or sustainable development. Critics maintain that they cannot on grounds that environmental education is a threat to student autonomy or cannot be justified using liberal principles. We argue that the perceived conflict between liberalism and environmental education is exaggerated. Whatever the environmentalist ambitions of environmental education, any complete conception of it must prioritize education for skills and virtues that are consistent with students’ prospective autonomy. Liberalism is also compatible with meeting the demands of intergenerational justice, which arguably will include sustainability education if not other forms of environmental education. Finally, the skills and virtues future citizens need to manage today’s most pressing environmental problems are compatible both with those discussed in international statements on environmental education and with those commonly associated with liberal citizenship. Ultimately, environmental education that will better equip citizens to cope with environmental problems is quite possible for liberal politics.
17 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that Confucianism presupposes an idea of equality among persons necessary for democracy, and that therefore a Confucians notion of democracy distinct from liberal democracy is not only conceptually possible but also morally justifiable.
Abstract: ‘Confucian democracy’ is considered oxymoronic because Confucianism is viewed as lacking an idea of equality among persons necessary for democracy. Against this widespread opinion, this article argues that Confucianism presupposes a uniquely Confucian idea of equality and that therefore a Confucian conception of democracy distinct from liberal democracy is not only conceptually possible but also morally justifiable. This article engages philosophical traditions of East and West by, first, reconstructing the prevailing position based on Joshua Cohen's political liberalism; second, articulating a plausible conception of Confucian democracy predicated on Confucian conceptions of persons and political participation from the Mencian tradition; and third, exposing the implausibility of the prevailing position in light of the articulation.
17 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors mark out the distinctiveness of William Connolly's approach to pluralism vis-a-vis the neo-Kantian perspectives of John Rawls and Jurgen Habermas and make the case that his thought retains traces of (Spinozan pan-) theism, in the sense that he imagines that forms of regularity tend to emerge spontaneously from the immanent movement of social forces.
Abstract: In the context of multiculturalism and identity politics the concept of ‘pluralism’ has become the common sense of our times. Here, I mark out the distinctiveness of William Connolly's approach to pluralism vis-a-vis the neo-Kantian perspectives of John Rawls and Jurgen Habermas. Unlike the neo-Kantian perspectives, Connolly's account of ‘network pluralism’ denies the possibility of any element of transcendence from the plurality of forces that make up the world. Having explored the role that ‘agonistic respect’ plays in Connolly's version of pluralism, I make the case that his thought retains traces of (Spinozan pan-) theism, in the sense that he imagines that forms of regularity tend to emerge spontaneously from the immanent movement of social forces. The paper concludes with intimations of an alternative account of social regularity, one that emphasises the transcendental moment understood as necessary/impossible.
17 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined how argument reappraisal unfolds in student-centered classroom discussions when students were asked to defend (randomly) assigned positions (pro/contra).
Abstract: Being challenged by opposing views in a controversial discussion can stimulate the production of more elaborate and sophisticated argumentations. According to the model of argument reappraisal (Leitao, 2000), such processes require transactivity, meaning that students do not only give reasons to support their own position (e.g., pro/contra argument) but also try to refute the opponent’s claims (e.g., counterargument) and respond to critique (e.g., integration). However, there is little research in the field of political education that systematically examines how processes of argument reappraisal unfold in student-centered classroom discussions when students were asked to defend (randomly) assigned positions (pro/contra). In this study, four civic education classes (8th/9th grade) in Germany received the same standardized political learning unit and conducted a controversial fishbowl discussion. A total of 452 argumentative moves were coded for argumentative transactivity. The characteristics of this type of discourse will be described regarding the use of argumentative moves and the complexity of argumentations. Explorative sequential analyses revealed five patterns of argument reappraisal that will be illustrated by transcript excerpts.
16 citations