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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...London: Joseph Johnson....

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  • ...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....

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  • ...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....

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  • ...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....

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  • ...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, political theorists go about their work if they are democrats, given their democratic commitments, should they develop theories that are responsive to the views and concerns of their fel...
Abstract: How should political theorists go about their work if they are democrats? Given their democratic commitments, should they develop theories that are responsive to the views and concerns of their fel...

13 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that issues surrounding access to participation in citizenship are inescapably political, such that if young people are to be encouraged to participate in politics they should be helped to recognize the political significance of debates about inclusion in participation.
Abstract: Citizenship education programs promote political participation by young people. These programs risk misrepresenting politics to students by encouraging them to believe that there are universally accepted principles which govern the definition of citizenship and who is entitled to participate in its various dimensions. The article argues that issues surrounding access to participation in citizenship are inescapably political, such that if young people are to be encouraged to participate in politics they should be helped to recognize the political significance of debates about inclusion in participation. If inclusion in citizenship itself is a focus of political contestation, then participation in politics can involve disputes about the scope of inclusion. Some students may face issues regarding their own access to participation. Students ought to learn that, since the outcome of political contests cannot be guaranteed, their own defeat is a possibility. The article draws on “agonistic” political th...

13 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examine the normative potential of heteronomous people as participants in public debate, and address the overall effects that inclusion of heteronomies can provide for group deliberations, and conclude that liberals ought to reconsider the importance of heteronomic people in healthy liberal democracy.
Abstract: In this article, I consider the extent to which heteronomous people can be positive contributors to political deliberation. I examine the normative potential of heteronomous people as participants in public debate, and address the overall effects that inclusion of heteronomous people can provide for group deliberations. I subsequently consider empirical findings that bear upon the case I develop, and conclude that liberals ought to reconsider the importance of heteronomous people in healthy liberal democracy. This philosophical recognition lays groundwork for a more morally and politically compelling version of liberalism, one that outstrips comprehensive schemes that vaunt personal autonomy as liberalism's primary normative commitment.

13 citations

01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: The authors argue that the state is a political remnant of earlier philosophies that can be cast away, and that it is only via participation in it that actions, ideas, or institutions are possible.
Abstract: vision of communism that leaves much open to be decided. Foucault is the most reticent about prescriptions, and refuses to endorse any form. Instead, Foucault will often suggest possibilities, with the caveat that they must be critiqued. None of these thinkers say the state is simply a political remnant of earlier philosophies that can be cast away. Despite the state’s repression, it is only via participation in it that actions, ideas, or institutions are possible. Butler describes this problem by saying that democratic politics are constituted through exclusions that prescribe who can appear in the polity. Žižek agrees, saying that it must be clear that universals are unavoidable. One cannot forego the state without becoming completely incapable of relating to others or to oneself. Yet these thinkers disagree when it comes to the amount of human agency involved in the formation of the state. While individual actions are intimately involved in the production of the state, such actions are not entirely controlled by the subject. Foucault relates actions back to discursive formations and power structures, claiming that subjects are constrained by historical and social forces that restrict every action they perform. Arendt’s statement that the state begins with the coming together of individuals provides subjects with a modicum of greater control, as for her the ability of history and social 520 Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau, and Slavoj Žižek. Contingency, Hegemony, Universality, (Verso; New York, 2000), 11. 521 Ibid., 101.

13 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The assessment of 75 city councilors and mayors in eight cities in the Kansas City metropolitan area provided global measures of group organization, activity, and influence in community politics and measures of their specific involvements in 73 issues that arose in these communities.
Abstract: The assessments of 75 councilors and mayors in eight cities in the Kansas City metropolitan area provide global measures of group organization, activity, and influence in community politics and measures of their specific involvements in 73 issues that arose in these communities. While variations in group involvement and influence—both in exercising social control and contributing to social production—are reported, the most general findings are that groups are less involved in city politics and their limited involvements are less conflictive than suggested by orthodox understandings of pluralist theory. I argue that these results point to the need to reformulate pluralist theory, not abandon it.

13 citations