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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
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...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
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...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
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...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
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...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
References
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TL;DR: The authors argue that dialogue's potential for selectivity and tyranny poses moral problems for public relations and propose a new model of public relations, Reconciliation, as an alternative to pure dialogue.
Abstract: Advocates of dialogic communication have promoted two-way symmetrical communication as the most effective and ethical model for public relations. This article uses John Durham Peters's critique of dialogic communication to reconsider this infatuation with dialogue. In this article, we argue that dialogue's potential for selectivity and tyranny poses moral problems for public relations. Dialogue's emphasis on reciprocal communication also saddles public relations with ethically questionable quid pro quo relationships. We contend that dissemination can be more just than dialogue because it demands more integrity of the source and recognizes the freedom and individuality of the source. The type of communication, such as dialogue or dissemination, is less important than the mutual discovery of truth. Reconciliation, a new model of public relations, is proposed as an alternative to pure dialogue. Reconciliation recognizes and values individuality and differences, and integrity is no longer sacrificed at the al...
99 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a theoretical model predicts that the agents' power and the manner in which they are held accountable jointly determine their propensity to make self-serving decisions and that holding agents accountable for their decision-making procedure reduces the level of selfserving decisions under moral hazard and also curbs the negative consequences of power.
Abstract: This paper provides an answer to the question of why agents make self-serving decisions under moral hazard and how their self-serving decisions can be kept in check through institutional arrangements. Our theoretical model predicts that the agents' power and the manner in which they are held accountable jointly determine their propensity to make self-serving decisions. We test our theory in the context of financial investment decisions made under moral hazard using others' funds. Across three studies, using different decision-making tasks, different manipulations of power and accountability, and different samples, we show that agents' power makes them more likely to behave in a self-serving manner under moral hazard, but only when the appropriate accountability mechanisms are not in place. Specifically, we distinguish between outcome and procedural accountability and show that holding agents accountable for their decision-making procedure reduces the level of self-serving decisions under moral hazard and also curbs the negative consequences of power. Implications for decisions under moral hazard, the psychology of power, and the accountability literature are discussed.
99 citations
TL;DR: In the ocean, colloids lie at the boundary between soluble chemical species and sinking particles and account for 30-50% of the "dissolved" organic carbon in sea water as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In the ocean, colloids lie at the boundary between soluble chemical species and sinking particles. They account for 30-50% of the ‘dissolved’ organic carbon in sea water, and so are highly important players in marine chemistry. Work invoking polymer gel theory adds a fresh element to understanding colloid behaviour in sea water by quantifying colloid aggregation rates.
99 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider a dilemma associated with school communities, the ten- sion between the need for shared values that are constitutive enough to serve as the basis for community and the premises of liberal inclusiveness.
Abstract: This article considers a central dilemma associated with school communities, the ten- sion between the need for shared values that are constitutive enough to serve as the basis for community and the premises of liberal inclusiveness. The author evaluates 3 candidates for school-community values—comprehensive doctrines, caring, and democracy—and concludes that, if a value is a constitutive one, then it cannot be consis- tent with liberal inclusiveness. He suggests a middle ground based in variants of these values that are thick, but vague, and more freedom of association within the public school system around these values. This article explores a dilemma about schools as communities. The dilemma is this: Whereas there are any number of characteristics that are associated with the idea of a community, a particularly important one is that communities are united by shared values. However, values that might forge school communities can be divided analytically into two types, those that are too thin to constitute an educational community and those that are too thick to be inclusive. This dilemma turns on a distinction between what I call consti- tutive and nonconstitutive values. Constitutive values are thick enough to cre- ate community but are too thick to be inclusive. Because constitutive values are typically the basis of private associations, my argument invites the con- clusion that we can only have genuine educational communities in the private sector, where communities of the like-minded are formed through free asso- ciation. I do not, however, draw this conclusion. First, constitutive values come in degrees and varieties. Some constitutive values are big tented— thick, but vague. They can accommodate significant diversity. Second, some measure of freedom of association is possible in the public sector. I argue that looking for a middle ground with thick, but vague constitutive values and
98 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that children and youth under 18 have made significant strides in recent years toward fuller inclusion in democratic processes, but these strides rarely rise to the level of direct political representation, whether in changing policies, making laws, or voting.
Abstract: Children and youth under 18 have made significant strides in recent years toward fuller inclusion in democratic processes. These strides, however, rarely rise to the level of direct political representation, whether in changing policies, making laws, or voting. This article argues that democracies will be able to represent children only by transforming what is meant by democratic representation in the first place. It shows why democratic theory has traditionally excluded children, how representation is more than just participation or citizenship, and how current children’s political movements provide lessons for a more expansive politics of direct representation regardless of age.
97 citations