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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...London: Joseph Johnson....

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  • ...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....

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  • ...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....

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  • ...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....

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  • ...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations


Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy Fraser1
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations

References
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01 Jan 2009
TL;DR: In this article, the US constitutional tradition of religious free exercise and non-establishment is examined, and the core value in this tradition is that of equal respect for conscience, a value that militates against all governmentally created hierarchies or "in-groups".
Abstract: All modern nations face problems of religious toleration and respect. Examining the US constitutional tradition of religious free exercise and non‐establishment, I argue that the core value in this tradition is that of equal respect for conscience, a value that militates against all governmentally‐created hierarchies or ‘in‐groups.’ I argue that this tradition is on the whole a helpful guide in thinking about such issues more generally. On the ‘free exercise’ side, I argue for a doctrine of ‘accommodation’ that gives dispensations from generally applicable laws on grounds of conscience. On the ‘non‐establishment’ side, I look at issues of public displays, school prayer, and public funding, arguing that the key question is whether the policy in question makes a statement of endorsement or disendorsement, creating preferred and dispreferred classes of citizens. I conclude by examining the major threats to the tradition of equal respect.

12 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, three contributions to the common good that appear to be connected in important ways to the distinctive function of Christian higher education are discussed, and they are discussed in detail.
Abstract: Despite myriad benefits of higher education to communities and the public at large, a commonplace perception these days is that the most important benefit of higher education centers on what accrues to individual degree earners. Institutions can inadvertently encourage this narrower perception in various ways. The purpose of this article is to reflect on the distinctive function of Christian higher education and to consider how that function might affect contributions to the common good. We outline three contributions to the common good that appear to be connected in important ways to the distinctive function of Christian higher education.

12 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jul 2012
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the best reasons for an anti-cosmopolitan position which grants some minimum international obligations, including social and economic human rights, while rejecting distinctly distributive principles of justice.
Abstract: Should state borders matter for claims of distributive justice? The article explores, only to reject, the best reasons for an ‘Anti-Cosmopolitan’ position which grants some minimum international obligations, including social and economic human rights. At the same time this Anti-Cosmopolitanism rejects distinctly distributive principles of justice, familiar from discussions of justice among compatriots: There are no further limits on permissible global inequalities. ‘Anti-Cosmopolitans’ do not deny that the tangled web of domestic and international institutions has a massive impact on individuals, their life plans and opportunities, albeit often indirectly and surreptitiously. What they deny is that claims to equality or limits to inequality should apply across state borders. The article explores what it is about states that can justify such a disjunct in the normative claims individuals have against each other. Several arguments about such alleged salient aspects of states and their constitutions are considered, but are found lacking. The main conclusion is to challenge the reasons Anti-Cosmopolitans offer against bringing distributive principles to the ‘Global Basic Structure’.

12 citations

Dissertation
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that while effort towards contributing value is a minimum pre-condition of desert, it is not a determinant of the amount and form of requital that is deserved.
Abstract: The idea of desert is central to the way in which we evaluate the distribution of rewards to others. This thesis looks to outline the core idea of desert and then defend it against the charge that it is inherently inegalitarian. Part I begins with an analysis of the concept of desert in which it is argued that, while otherwise indeterminate, it requires that the claimant must (a) express value to the world, and (b) in at least some minimal sense control the expression of that value. It is shown that the control condition, which permits us to say that the value displayed actually belongs to the claimant, is undermined by the influence of good and ill luck. Requital is contingent on whether one's initial endowments and the subsequent episodes of chance happen to favour the realisation of what is valued by others. The standard response by liberal egalitarians to this problem has been to maintain the contributory, or output-based, model of desert, while looking to offset the effect of uneven endowments. In Part II it is proposed that a compensatory model of desert is superior because it is insensitive to the amount of value people produce, whilst remaining sensitive to their personal ends. On this reading, the basis of desert is twofold: Firstly, the denial of something that a person would prefer to have done, rather than what she has actually been able to do. Secondly, that the person's denial was brought about as a result of her choices and actions designed to contribute value to the world. But while effort towards contributing value is a minimum pre-condition of desert, it is not a determinant of the amount and form of requital that is deserved. Rather that is a function of the personal ends that the person foregoes. This conception of desert, it is claimed, remains compatible with the intuitive core of the concept and with the pursuit of socially optimal outcomes.

12 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the assumption that all migrants aim at permanent inclusion and is therefore inadequate in the case of those who are engaged in "temporary migration projects" and suggest that in order to provide these migrants with a form of political voice that fits their life plans, we need to look at different institutional tools than conventional voting rights, and point to trade unions and migrant organizations as promising alternatives.
Abstract: Theorists have recently argued that in order to protect migrants from vulnerability and domination, host countries should grant voting rights to all residents, including those who are present on the territory on a temporary visa. Although we endorse the inclusive and egalitarian rationale of this approach, we argue that it is based on the presumption that all migrants aim at permanent inclusion and is therefore inadequate in the case of those who are engaged in ‘temporary migration projects’. We suggest that in order to provide these migrants with a form of political voice that fits their life plans, we need to look at different institutional tools than conventional voting rights, and we point to trade unions and migrant organizations as promising alternatives. We also show that, contrary to what may be thought of other forms of temporary mobility, temporary migration projects and the institutional solutions we propose in order to address the needs of the migrants involved are not disruptive of liberal-de...

12 citations