Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
More filters
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
[...]
...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
[...]
...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
[...]
...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
[...]
...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
[...]
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
[...]
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
References
More filters
[...]
TL;DR: This article argued that memory presents a threat to democratic community because it can undermine cohesion, increase the costs of cooperation, and cause moral damage to civil society by conflating political and ethnic or cultural boundaries.
Abstract: This article reconstructs and evaluates prevalent assumptions in the literature about links between collective memory and democracy. There are widespread assertions that memory is important for democratic community to achieve its potential, avoid dangers of past crimes, and secure its continuation. These assertions assume collective memory as a condition for freedom, justice, and the stability of democratic order. This article considers these assumptions with equally popular counterpropositions, arguing that memory presents a threat to democratic community because it can undermine cohesion, increase the costs of cooperation, and cause moral damage to civil society by conflating political and ethnic or cultural boundaries. The relationship between memory and democracy is discussed, along with the intermediate notions of identity, trauma, and ritual. The article concludes that what matters for democracy’s health is not social remembering per se but the way in which the past is called up and made present.
67 citations
TL;DR: In the United States, about 45 million residents over the age of five report using a language other than English in their homes, roughly 17.6% of all people surveyed in the 2000 census.
Abstract: Every society in the world is characterized by at least some degree of linguistic diversity. where more than a quarter of the population are members of historically rooted ethno-linguistic minorities. But even societies that like to think of themselves as having a single national language are home to significant language minorities. In the United States, for example, about 45 million residents over the age of five report using a language other than English in their homes, roughly 17.6% of all people surveyed in the 2000 census. In any context where more than one form of speech is in use, people face the problem of how they should communicate with one another. Although this problem arises in interesting ways in all sorts of informal, non-state contexts, it presents itself with particular force for public institutions that serve a linguistically diverse citizenry. Faced with linguistic diversity, what norms and practices of
67 citations
TL;DR: The European Union's (EU's) compound form of representation allows a wide-ranging spectrum of actors to claim to be representative, and allows different channels to feed their demands and interests into the political system as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: At first glance the European Union's (EU's) compound form of representation allows a wide-ranging spectrum of actors to claim to be representative, and allows different channels to feed their demands and interests into the political system. While this may be understood as a redeeming feature of supranational politics, this article sounds a note of caution. The historically developed system of representation comprising different principles and practices may combine in ways that undermine standards by which claims to political representation can be justified. First, it is demonstrated that the urge to combine multiple channels of representation has its roots in the history and theory of representation itself. Second, we show the development of the EU's compound form of representation. Third, tests of how well principles and practices of representation combine in the European arena are proposed. It is shown that the EU's specific combination of representative practices hardly allows for ensuring public contr...
66 citations
01 Mar 2016
TL;DR: This paper argued that an emphasis on deliberative democracy has limited attention to the psychological implications of political expression and creative production via information technologies and digital media, and argued that digital, social, and mobile media provide new avenues and tools for political talk, with affordances that may be particularly conducive to expression effects.
Abstract: A sizable body of empirical evidence indicates political conversation—both face-to-face and online—drives participatory engagement. Digital, social, and mobile media provide new avenues and tools for political talk, with affordances that may be particularly conducive to expression effects—that is, the impact of message production on the sender. This essay contends that an emphasis on deliberative democracy has limited attention to the psychological implications of political expression and creative production via information technologies and digital media.
66 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce a theory of political agency that suggests possible factors for explaining learning in deliberative contexts, including political reflectiveness and conceptions of citizen identity, and test a statistical model that explains learning with the agency variables, socioeconomic factors, and experimental conditions.
Abstract: A key impetus toward increasingly widespread use of deliberation has been the claim that deliberation helps educate citizens about political issues. Past research has confirmed that people learn in deliberative contexts. This research, however, has not been careful to separate the effects of informative readings or other information sources from the effects of discussion. Knowledge of the exact mechanism of learning is key to determining how best to design for learning. In addition, past research has not examined what individual-level factors affect deliberative learning. These factors must be examined to address concerns about possible inequality in deliberation and may suggest ways to increase equality. This paper introduces a theory of political agency that suggests possible factors for explaining learning in deliberative contexts, including political reflectiveness and conceptions of citizen identity. The paper tests a statistical model that explains learning with the agency variables, socioeconomic factors, and experimental conditions—including a no-discussion condition. The model is tested with data from preand postsurveys of a representative sample of 568 Pittsburgh residents who came to a one-day deliberation experiment. Analysis proceeds with exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses, HLM, and OLS with group-robust pvalues. We find, overall, that discussion has no effect on knowledge above the effect of reading and contemplating—a finding with important deliberative design implications. Deliberation remains crucial as a motivator. Discussions do prompt learning in people with certain citizen identities, though not on average more than those merely contemplating the topic. Finally, results show that socioeconomic characteristics play an important role in learning, but one that is partly counteracted by the agency variables. Interventions to reduce inequality are suggested. Agency theory may be a valuable theoretical framework for deliberation research generally.
66 citations