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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
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...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
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...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
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...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
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...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that liberal political theorists need not face this dilemma, because liberal justice and legitimacy are not distinct values, rather, they indicate what the same value, i.e. equal respect for persons, demands of institutions under different sets of circumstances.
Abstract: Which standards should we employ to evaluate the global order? Should they be standards of justice or standards of legitimacy? In this article, I argue that liberal political theorists need not face this dilemma, because liberal justice and legitimacy are not distinct values. Rather, they indicate what the same value, i.e. equal respect for persons, demands of institutions under different sets of circumstances. I suggest that under real-world circumstances – characterized by conflicts and disagreements – equal respect demands basic-rights protection and democratic participation, which I here call ‘political justice’. I conclude the article by considering three possible configurations of the global order – the ‘democratic world-state’, ‘independent democratic states’, and ‘mixed’ models – and argue that a commitment to political justice speaks in favour of the latter.
48 citations
01 Jan 2017
48 citations
01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: MacLean et al. as discussed by the authors investigated the perceptions of underrepresented faculty regarding their participation in annual national conferences conducted by the leading professional association for educational leadership faculty and found that these perceptions relate to their career advancement and professional development as professors of educational leadership.
Abstract: By William Patrick MacLean, Ph.D. Washington State University May 2010 Chair: Forrest W. Parkay: Researchers have noted the persistent challenges that underrepresented faculty still encounter in higher education. For example, female and ethnic minority faculty members continue to experience barriers in achieving tenure and promotion. In spite of efforts to increase their presence and visibility, structural barriers account for the continued under representation of these minority faculty. Within this context, this study investigated the perceptions of underrepresented faculty regarding their participation in annual national conferences conducted by the leading professional association for Educational Leadership faculty. Three research questions guided this study: (1) What are the perceptions of underrepresented Educational Leadership faculty members regarding their experiences at their Association’s annual national conferences? (2) How do these perceptions relate to their career advancement and professional development as professors of Educational Leadership? (3) What differences, if any, are reflected in the perceptions of assistant, associate, and full professors; and what factors are associated with these differences?
48 citations
TL;DR: This article provided a comparative analysis of emergency and major disaster declaration requests under the Stafford Act from 1989-2005 with attention directed towards political partisanship, biased vote-seeking, and the potential for a state to be overwhelmed by a disaster event.
Abstract: Federal disaster declarations are authorized by the president under the provisions of the Robert T Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act of 1988 (the Stafford Act) Previous studies pertaining to presidential disaster declarations have found varying levels of political influence associated with the declaration process Factors including electoral votes, reelection years, congressional committee appointments, geographic location, and party favoritism have been implicated in the selective approval capacity that is designated to the president in issuing federal disaster declarationsThis article aims to provide a comparative analysis of emergency and major disaster declaration requests under the Stafford Act from 1989-2005 with attention directed towards political partisanship, biased vote-seeking, and the potential for a state to be overwhelmed by a disaster event Our study reveals a higher success rate in acquiring major disaster declarations for states with lower total taxable resources and during presidential reelection years The same findings were not evident in the analysis of emergency disaster declarations where statistically significant observations were limited to events in which recent multiple disasters had occurred and/or senatorial and presidential party similarity existed There was no statistical evidence to suggest that gubernatorial and presidential party similarity, US House of Representatives and presidential party similarity, FEMA congressional oversight committee membership, electoral votes, or FEMA regional office location influenced success in securing emergency or major disaster declarations Several aspects of our results differ from prior studies and provide new findings regarding the role of political influence in the disaster declaration process
47 citations
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In Denmark, mocking religious figures was seen by many as a civic virtue, part of an informal style of Danish anti-authoritarianism, which newcomers had to learn.
Abstract: When, on 30 September 2005, Jyllands-Posten published a series of cartoons depicting the Prophet Mohammed it did so in the name of freedom of expression. Muslims and other religious groups, the editors claimed, had to accept that any religious symbol could be the object of satire and ridicule and that such irreverence of religion-taken-seriously was an essential aspect of a secularized public realm. Indeed, mocking religious figures was seen by many as a civic virtue, part of an informal style of Danish anti-authoritarianism, which newcomers had to learn (Rasmussen, 2005). Reactions to the unfolding events, including those of various dictatorial regimes in the Middle East and the plight of the cartoonists in hiding, opened deep divisions across traditional ideological lines, on which principles were involved (freedom of speech, blasphemy, religious tolerance/recognition, press responsibility, public civility) and what their meanings were.
47 citations