Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
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...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
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...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
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...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
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...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
References
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Dissertation•
01 Dec 2013
TL;DR: The authors integrated economic analysis with political theory in order to arrive at a better understanding of the political-economic roots of corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa, finding that the poverty of governance in Africa is anchored both in Africa's domestic socioeconomic reality, as well as in the region's role in the international economic order.
Abstract: African states are often called corrupt indicating that the political system in Africa differs from the one prevalent in the economically advanced democracies. This however does not give us any insight into what makes corruption the ruling norm of African statehood. Thus we must turn to the overly neglected theoretical work on the political economy of Africa in order to determine how the poverty of governance in Africa is firmly anchored both in Africa’s domestic socioeconomic reality, as well as in the region’s role in the international economic order. Instead of focusing on increased monitoring, enforcement and formal democratic procedures, this book integrates economic analysis with political theory in order to arrive at a better understanding of the political-economic roots of corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa.
46 citations
01 Mar 2019
TL;DR: The authors survey reasons for and against pursuing the field of machine ethics, understood as research aiming to build "ethical machines" and argue that while there are good prima facie reasons for pursuing machine ethics including the potential to improve the ethical alignment of both humans and machines, there are also potential risks that must be considered.
Abstract: This paper surveys reasons for and against pursuing the field of machine ethics, understood as research aiming to build “ethical machines.” We clarify the nature of this goal, why it is worth pursuing, and the risks involved in its pursuit. First, we survey and clarify some of the philosophical issues surrounding the concept of an “ethical machine” and the aims of machine ethics. Second, we argue that while there are good prima facie reasons for pursuing machine ethics, including the potential to improve the ethical alignment of both humans and machines, there are also potential risks that must be considered. Third, we survey these potential risks and point to where research should be devoted to clarifying and managing potential risks. We conclude by making some recommendations about the questions that future work could address.
45 citations
TL;DR: In this article, three trajectories of EU politicisation are studied: the remote conflict, the international conflict and the domestic conflict. And it is argued that domestic conflict trajectory is most promising from a normative democratic perspective.
Abstract: Theoretical debate about the effects of politicisation on the democratic legitimacy of the European Union has tended to focus on the potential of conflict between European political parties or member state governments. At the same time, empirical sociological studies demonstrate that controversy about Europe continues to unfold primarily within national public spheres. There is as yet no genuine Europe-wide party system or public debate. This reveals a gap between the normative theoretical assessment of EU politicisation and empirical sociological analysis of this phenomenon. To reconcile this discrepancy, this paper develops three actually-existing trajectories of politicisation: the remote conflict, the international conflict and the domestic conflict. Each trajectory carries unique challenges and opportunities to the democratic legitimacy of the Union. It is argued that the domestic conflict trajectory is most promising from a normative democratic perspective. Paradoxically, this does not neces...
45 citations
01 Jan 2007
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that women's marginal economic status is reflected in and reinforced by the minimal value placed on their health and well-being within global and national economic policies, and that the failure of liberation theology to attend adequately to the particular poverty of women compromises its commitment to solidarity with the oppressed.
Abstract: Birthing Justice: Towards a Feminist Liberation Theo-ethical Analysis of Economic Justice and Maternal Mortality Pregnancy is neither a disease nor an illness. Yet every minute of every day, a woman dies as an indirect result of being pregnant. What should be a positive, defining moment in a woman's life is often a time of profound fear, intense suffering and untimely death. Maternal mortality is a complex issue. However, it is predominately the plight of economically vulnerable women. Globally, it is estimated that at least 600,000 maternal deaths occur annually. In addition, the quality of life for many women who survive pregnancy is severely compromised: at least 50 million women also suffer chronic complications. The death and disability of women in pregnancy continue despite the fact that maternal complications are largely preventable. Maternal mortality is not simply a health issue or an unfortunate risk in the lives of women. It is a global injustice whose roots lie within the economic, social, cultural and religious inequities of women's lives, of which their poverty is a recurring dynamic. My dissertation is a response to the lack of theological reflection on the qualitatively different poverty endured by women, a concrete manifestation of which is maternal mortality. I claim that the lack of theological reflection on women's poverty is not a benign phenomenon. It reinforces a world in which women's disenfranchized status perpetuates the injustice of maternal mortality. I also claim that the failure of liberation theology to attend adequately to the particular poverty of women compromises its commitment to solidarity with the oppressed. Using a feminist liberation methodology, my dissertation is divided into a hermeneutical circle animated by "see-judge-act" dimensions. Within a liberation paradigm, the tasks of solidarity and theopraxis are a multi-differentiated unity: all three dimensions of "see-judge-act" are theologically interdependent and critical to the goal of liberation. Feminist liberation theological ethics begins by attending to the concrete injustices of women's lives. Chapter 1 corresponds to the initial "see-judge" dimension of the hermeneutical circle. I provide a historically conscious analysis of maternal mortality. I draw on the feminist interpretive framework of multiple jeopardy and the "traffic" of women's everyday lives to reveal the causal dynamics implicated in maternal mortality. I explore maternal mortality from a gender-sensitive economic lens, thereby substantiating my claim that maternal mortality is a sensitive indicator of economic justice for women. In Chapter 2,1 continue to develop the "see-judge" dimension of the hermeneutical circle. I situate maternal mortality within the structural jeopardy of inadequate health care. I then demonstrate how women's marginal economic status is reflected in and reinforced by the minimal value placed on their health and well-being within global and national economic policies. I examine the implications for impoverished women of two specific economic policies: the global funding of reproductive health and the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers implemented by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. To ensure that my insights into maternal mortality are consistent with a gender-sensitive and informed economic analysis, I introduce the discourse of feminist economics. I ascertain the methodological base points and central themes of feminist economics. I underline the relevance of this discourse for a feminist liberation analysis of maternal mortality. In addition to the discourse of feminist economists, the sources for both Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 are drawn from the discourse of trans-national feminism, as well as from social scientific, medical and health related studies. Chapter 3 corresponds to the "judge-act" dimension of the hermeneutical circle: I evaluate maternal mortality through the eyes of faith. I introduce the work of the Christian social feminist liberation ethicist Beverly Wildung Harrison. I submit that within Harrison's corpus are resources that correlate well with the needs of a feminist liberation analysis of maternal mortality. However, I note that while the theme of emancipatory praxis animates Harrison's liberation social ethics, it is not explicit. I therefore make explicit Harrison's pastoral, theological and theoretical commitments to emancipatory praxis. I then synthesize categories that I use to illumine and judge maternal mortality as a theo-ethical issue of injustice. I conclude the chapter by developing a praxis of resistance in solidarity with economically marginalized pregnant women. I deepen my analysis and judgement of maternal mortality in Chapter 4 by integrating Harrison's approach to justice and her social theory. I claim that Harrison's understanding of justice as right relation is the fruit of emancipatory praxis. I also claim that her social theory is a logical extension of her concept of justice and is, therefore, an important theo-ethical tool for appropriating the geo-political economy from the perspectives of economically marginalized women. Harrison's approach to justice and her social theory further clarify maternal mortality as an injustice experienced by impoverished women. These resources are necessary for an adequate theo-ethical understanding of the oppression of women. In conclusion, I underline that the reality of maternal mortality presents both crisis and opportunity. The crisis presented is that as a global community, we continue to do little to counter the preventable deaths and disabilities of economically marginalized pregnant women. I indicate that this crisis not only denies pregnant women their dignity, well being, and often their lives, but is a dynamic that erodes our common humanity and reinforces a world of immense and unsustainable disparities. Alternatively, maternal mortality is an impetus for justice making: it can foster a world of right relation in which the structured jeopardies and the "traffic" of impoverished women's lives are concrete collective sites of resistance. Maternal mortality is a profound locus theologicus in which a God of life needs to be proclaimed and embodied in ways life-giving to impoverished women. This embodied proclamation is critical not only to ensuring the fullness of humanity granted in God to all women, but also to the eradication of poverty and progress toward a more just and sustainable world. It is also pivotal to the authenticity of liberation theological ethics commitment to a praxis of solidarity with the poorest of the poor.
45 citations
Dissertation•
01 Jan 1994
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that no adequate justification can be given for the core retributivist claim and then go on to examine consequentialist theories of punishment and "mixed" accounts.
Abstract: This thesis attempts to answer the question why, and by what right, do some people punish others. I begin by examining the retributivist theory, largely through an analysis of the work of Kant and Hegel. I conclude that no adequate justification can be given for the core retributivist claim. I then go on to examine consequentialist theories of punishment and "mixed" accounts. I find that the former, like consequentialism generally, cannot accommodate the special value of persons and, thus, cannot give an adequate account of just punishment. "Mixed" accounts are also found to be flawed as they do nothing to resolve the tensions between their retributive and consequentialist elements. I go on to examine the "fair play" theory. I conclude that such a theory cannot justify punishment nor can it capture the truth of our moral obligations. I argue that fair play theorists rely on a contractarian understanding of morality and it is this that should underpin the account of punishment. Turning to contractarianism, I look at three different approaches, justice as reciprocity, as mutual advantage, and as impartiality. I argue that none of these approaches can give either an adequate grounding to justice nor to punishment. Instead I argue for a combination of mutual advantage and impartiality. That is, I argue that each agent has a prudential reason to enter into an agreement with others to co-operate on moral terms, (that is terms which would be agreed between agents conceived as fundamentally equal), but that such a reason is not sufficient. In the absence of any decisive reason, I claim that each individual so agrees as an act of existential commitment. The community thus formed is a coercive one, for it is necessary that the condition of sufficient security be fulfilled through the coercion of free-riders. Such coercion is converted into moral punishment only through being addressed to the offender as a member of the moral community. The theory of punishment combines these two elements in "hard treatment" and retributive blaming.
45 citations