Book•
政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
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...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
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...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
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...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
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...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
References
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Dissertation•
01 Jan 2018
TL;DR: In this article, a preliminary review of literature is presented, and a key research question and research sub-question are discussed, along with the objectives of the research problem and the theoretical framework upon which the research project will be constructed.
Abstract: ............................................................................................................................ iv KEY TERMS ........................................................................................................................... vi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................... vii TABLE OF CONTENTS ..................................................................................................... viii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background to the Research Problem ..................................................................... 1 1.2 Preliminary Review of Literature ............................................................................ 1 1.3 Research Objectives .................................................................................................. 4 1.4 Key Research Question and Research Sub-Questions ........................................... 4 1.4.1 Key Research Question ........................................................................................ 4 1.4.2 Research Sub-Questions ...................................................................................... 4 1.5 Theoretical Frameworks Upon Which the Research Project Will be Constructed ........................................................................................................................... 4 1.6 Research Methodology .............................................................................................. 6 1.7 Structure of the Thesis .............................................................................................. 7 CHAPTER TWO: A CONCEPTUAL DEFINITION OF TERRORISM........................ 10 2.
30 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a framework for the concept of equality of opportunity in education is proposed and a piece of applied conceptual analysis is presented to help clarify existing positions within the EO in education debate and allow those seeking to produce new positions to express them more clearly.
Abstract: There is widespread disagreement about what equality of opportunity in education requires. For some it is that each child is legally permitted to go to school. For others it is that each child receives the same educational resources. Further interpretations abound. This fact presents a problem: when politicians or academics claim they are in favour of equality of opportunity in education, it is unclear what they mean and debate is hindered by mutual misunderstanding. In this article, I introduce a framework to ameliorate this problem. More specifically, I develop an important but neglected framework for the concept of equality of opportunity and apply it to examine particular conceptions of equality of opportunity in education. In doing this, I hope to produce a piece of applied conceptual analysis that can both help clarify existing positions within the equality of opportunity in education debate and allow those seeking to produce new positions to express them more clearly.
30 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: In this paper, a mechanism for linking ILO-established labor standards, monitoring by the International Labor Organization (ILO), and enforcement through the threat of lost trade concessions that emerged fully operational in the 1999 U.S.-Cambodia Bilateral Textile Trade Agreement was discussed.
Abstract: The establishment of international labor standards linked to market access within the WTO is among the proposals intended to remedy the gross violations of labor and human rights that accompany international trade and investment. Yet, the WTO Charter and, previously, the GATT are virtually silent on the potential inhumanity of globally integrated goods and services markets. Despite intense pressure from the United States and the European Union, the Singapore Ministerial Declaration (December 1996), while acknowledging the importance of international labor standards, identified the International Labor Organization (ILO) as the competent body to establish and monitor labor standards. However, advocates for international labor standards ultimately gained access to the process of rules-setting in the WTO indirectly through Article XXIV governing the creation of customs unions and free trade agreements and, more importantly, the 1971 GSP Decision permitting special and differential treatment of developing country exports. Thus, contrary to the WTO Ministerial dictates, labor standards are now routinely enforced by the prospective loss of preferential tariff concessions and market access. We discuss in this context a mechanism for linking ILO-established labor standards, monitoring by the ILO, and enforcement through the threat of lost trade concessions that emerged fully operational in the 1999 U.S.-Cambodia Bilateral Textile Trade Agreement. Under this agreement, the United States provided Cambodia access to US markets by giving expanded apparel and textile quotas conditional on improved working conditions in the garment sector. We also discuss the labor and human-rights issues that emerge in a globalizing world economy, the market failures that produce labor and human-rights violations, and the role of labor standards in mitigating the most grievous of consequences. We then discuss the evidence on the impact that labor standards have on trade, firm behavior and investment, and on workers, and whether or not there is a race to the bottom, which we conclude not to be the case.
30 citations
TL;DR: The authors explored Michael Bond's A Bear Called Paddington as a vernacular political text about border practices and foreignness, and argued that this ambivalence is deeply embedded within liberalism.
Abstract: This article explores Michael Bond's A Bear Called Paddington as a vernacular political text about bordering practices and foreignness. With the foreign subject in the UK positioned as both a cause of and a solution to politico-cultural problems, the Paddington stories illustrate how this ambivalence is deeply embedded within liberalism. It is argued that A Bear Called Paddington unpacks liberal conceptions of identity, migration and tolerance while drawing attention to specific negotiations of difference that render Paddington (and others like him) into precarious positions of insecurity. The article then illustrates how Paddington exemplifies the tensions caused by the presence of the foreigner in societies perceived to be liberal.
30 citations
Dissertation•
01 Nov 2014
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the notion of delegar la potestad de hacer leyes, ejercicio de autogobierno, control of poder, and the imposibilidad of lograr una mejor forma de gobierno.
Abstract: El centro del estudio esta puesto en el derecho politico mas importante de todos cuantos constituyen el conjunto de tales facultades, el derecho a delegar la potestad de hacer leyes. A su vez, dentro de el, apunta a los argumentos por los cuales se sostiene que esa delegacion constituye un ejercicio de autonomia politica. Mediante el analisis critico se intenta descubrir sus carencias y contradicciones y subsanarlas por via de elaboracion teorica. Esos argumentos se pueden sintetizar en torno a tres ejes: la seleccion de las mejores personas para el ejercicio del gobierno; el control del poder instituido; la imposibilidad de lograr una mejor forma de gobierno teniendo en cuenta los valores de libertad e igualdad y la dimension y complejidad de las sociedades modernas. La representacion politica moderna ha pasado por, al menos, tres periodos historicos, donde ha predominado uno u otro de esos argumentos. El primero de ellos ha sido el mas utilizado en la primera etapa de la modernidad, luego del triunfo de la burguesia liberal y el establecimiento del estado parlamentario en Europa Occidental, mientras que el segundo y el tercero predominan en las dos etapas subsiguientes que tienen que ver con la crisis del Estado Parlamentario entre mediados del siglo XIX y mediados del XX, y la generalizacion masiva de la democracia representativa a partir de entonces. Los problemas de fondo que estas lineas argumentales intentan solucionar son, en primer termino, la legitimacion del nuevo esquema de poder con el triunfo de la burguesia liberal europea del siglo XVIII; en segundo y tercer termino, el cuestionamiento de esa legitimidad por la clase obrera y la posterior asimilacion de esta en el dispositivo representativo del otorgamiento del titulo sin el ejercicio efectivo del derecho de autogobierno . Finalmente, cuando estas estrategias son nuevamente cuestionadas, se opta por naturalizar el callejon sin salida de que nada mejor es posible. Todos estos argumentos son rebatidos: 1- en una sociedad igualitaria para el gobierno no tiene justificacion la eleccion de los mejores, ademas de no tener el menor sentido que los mejores sean elegidos por quienes no lo son; 2- no existe tal control de poder por medio de elecciones regulares y libres, esta posicion confunde el hecho institutivo de funcionarios con el de su destitucion; 3- lo natural y lo social no se identifican: no es posible saber a priori, que es y que no es imposible.
30 citations