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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
1,108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.
726 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...London: Joseph Johnson....
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...The idea that ``income'' is what can be spent while leaving the asset base intact is precisely the concept of sustainable income established by John Hicks (1946, p. 172) more than 50 years ago: The purpose of income calculations in practical a airs is to give people an indication of the amount which they can consume without impoverishing themselves....
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...The Eighteenth J. Seward Johnson Lecture....
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...Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press....
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...It is easily seen why Repetto (1985) saw an analogy between the idea of sustainable development and the economic accountant's notion of what spendable income is....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...
635 citations
Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"
...(Superstitious and irrational beliefs do not belong to this field of reasonable disagreement, cf. John Rawls 1993, pp. 54ff.) At the same time there is also a need for institutional interaction, for instance between the judiciary and the political system, as well as between politics as power and…...
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TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.
595 citations
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...
570 citations
References
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01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: Smith et al. as mentioned in this paper show that social speech actually does affect democratic citizenship and political outcomes in accordance with the four mechanisms outlined in their theory of social speech: mutual interests, hopes and objectives, training for and information about one's unique political culture, and forges the affective ties that determine the borders of imagined political communities.
Abstract: While a substantial portion of political theory addresses the issue of public, formal communicationm 2) contributes to social capital and trust (based on mutual interests, hopes and objectives); 3) provides training for and information about one's unique political culture; and 4) forges the affective ties that determine the borders of imagined political communities. Finally, I test my theory of social speech through empirical observations and assessments of three common social speech situations: Internet speak, safe space speech and social hate speech. These case studies prove that social speech actually does affect democratic citizenship and political outcomes in accordance with the four mechanisms outlined in my theory of social speech. And because these effects may be positive or negative, depending on both the form and content of social communication, I conclude that there is a real need for political theory to develop understandings of social speech that could inform public policies to encourage democratically advantageous social speech and discourage democratically harmful social speech. Degree Type Dissertation Degree Name Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Graduate Group Political Science First Advisor Rogers M. Smith Subject Categories Political Science This dissertation is available at ScholarlyCommons: http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1200
23 citations
TL;DR: The broad framework for understanding healthcare justice that Daniels has presented is endorsed, and the constitutional principles of healthcare justice are intended to prevent results of the deliberative process that are seriously unjust.
Abstract: (2001). Healthcare Justice and Rational Democratic Deliberation. The American Journal of Bioethics: Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 20-21.
23 citations
Dissertation•
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: In this paper, RAWLS this paper described RAWLS as a representative of the American political philosophy of the liberal political philosophems and argued that RAWLS was an appropriate representative of this philosophy.
Abstract: ...................................................................................iii ÖZET..............................................................................................v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..................................................................vii TABLE OF CONTENTS.......................................................................ix CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION.............................................................1 1.1.Research Context and Relevance..........................................................3 1.2. Envisaged Contributions.........................................................7 1.3. Chapter Outline....................................................................9 1.4. Limitations........................................................................13 1.5. A Word of Caution...............................................................17 CHAPTER 2: JOHN RAWLS AS A REPRESENTATIVE OF MAINSTREAM LIBERAL POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY..........................................20 2.
23 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that the integrity objection undermines the mainstream notion of public reason liberalism, but not public reason liberal itself. But they do not address the integrity objection in the context of philosophical liberalism.
Abstract: It is a commonplace that liberalism and religious belief conflict. Liberalism, its proponents and critics maintain, requires the privatization of religious belief, since liberals often argue that citizens of faith must repress their fundamental commitments when participating in public life. Critics of liberalism complain that privatization is objectionable because it requires citizens of faith to violate their integrity. The liberal political tradition has always sought to carve out social space for individuals to live by their own lights. If liberalism requires citizens to violate their integrity, liberals have cause for concern. I seek to rebut this integrity objection to liberalism. I focus on the dominant form of philosophical liberalism: public reason liberalism. I argue that the integrity objection undermines the mainstream conception of public reason liberalism, but not public reason liberalism itself. The paper opens by outlining the structure of public reason liberalism and the integrity objectio...
23 citations
TL;DR: The democratic capacity contract as mentioned in this paper is based on the notion of rational capacity in the social compact of political membership, and it can be seen as an alternative to the sexual and racial contracts that enforce domination.
Abstract: Underlying Locke's social compact is a capacity contract that hinges political membership on rational capacity. Unlike the sexual and racial contracts that enforce domination, Locke's capacity contract promises both exclusion and democratic solidarity. This twofold interpretation follows from Locke's treatment of disability and, in particular, his construction of idiocy as both fundamentally human and analogous to nonhuman animals. As a domination contract, the capacity contract marks some bodies as more vulnerable than others and strips them of political membership to safeguard political legitimacy. The democratic capacity contract, however, sees vulnerability as an essential marker of human life that prompts men to form the social compact to counteract everyday injustices.
23 citations