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How many political parties are there in Nagaland? 

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Spatial-econometric analyses of parties’ election policies from several established democracies robustly confirm that political parties respond to left-right policy positions of foreign political parties that have recently governed.
This suggests that only .% of the population are members of political parties.
We offer a new measure of the ideologically cognizable number of political parties/party groupings that is intended to be complementary to the standard approach to counting the effective number of political parties – the Laakso–Taagepera index (1979).
Political parties usually serve a country best when they are limited in number, strong, and broad-based.
Most explanations for party-voter linkages in rural Pakistan can be grouped into four broad categories: (a) political parties are made up of powerful landlords who use economic power to collect votes from dependent voters; (b) parties are conglomerations of clientelist networks; (c) parties are large aggregations of kinship networks; and (d) parties function by building links with specific types of constituencies across large parts of the country, and voters forge links with political parties based on ideology and party identification.
The paper further argues that more than 90% of the political parties in Nigeria are fragile entities, hence, have only developed shallow roots in the society, and concludes on the note that Nigerian political parties have failed in their democratic responsibilities of aggregating social interests, representing specific constituencies, and serving as intermediaries between state and society.
Secondly, these identity structures shape identity politics and political outcomes today, a phenomenon that is part of larger local debates on marginality in Nagaland.
Compared to local party branches, independent local parties are more successful in performing the organisational, programmatic and nomination function of political parties.
The analyses point to the importance of political parties in distributive politics.
However, engagement with other modes of political activities remains very much a minority pursuit for women in Nagaland.

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What were the colonial rule and agrarian transformation in naga hills?5 answersThe colonial rule in the Naga Hills was characterized by a strategic economic interest in the region's resources, leading to a transformation of the indigenous social fabric through cultural construction. This period saw the imposition of colonial territorialization practices based on the politics of "cultural difference" and the construction of the "other," shaping the frontier as a space of culture and resources. The Naga hill tribes faced significant disruptions from British colonial rule, Christian missions, and the Indian state, impacting their traditional way of life and self-perception. The relationship between land and labor evolved from communal to private assets, influenced by state, donor, and community-focused development programs, shifting the traditional jhum farming towards plantation and monoculture practices.
What are the factors threatening political security in Nagaland and how to address these factors?5 answersMigration into Nagaland from other parts of India and Bangladesh has fueled a narrative of 'outsiders' threatening Nagaland's demographic balance, leading to gendered notions of Naga men as protectors. The region faces prolonged violent conflict, with heavy militarization under draconian laws like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. The oldest armed movement in India has significantly impacted Naga ethnic groups, with militarization persisting since the 1950s. To address these threats, a comprehensive approach is needed, focusing on resolving the conflict sincerely, reevaluating security deployment, and ensuring development strategies that address the root causes of conflict and social vulnerabilities in Nagaland. Efforts should also aim at fostering inclusive dialogue among different communities to promote peace and stability in the region.
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