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Antecedent (grammar)

About: Antecedent (grammar) is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 1392 publications have been published within this topic receiving 41824 citations.


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01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: A copy of this primary version of the book was carried into England before c. 1375 and there developed a separate Anglo-French scribal tradition, known as the Insular Version, which is the source of all of the English and Latin Translations made in England as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Mandeville's Travels was written in French in c. 1356 by an unknown author, possibly a regular in an abbey in northern France. A copy of this primary version of the book was carried into England before c. 1375 and there developed a separate Anglo-French scribal tradition, known as the Insular Version, which is the source of all of the English and Latin Translations made in England. The English translation known as the 'Defective Version' is the oldest and also circulated most widely. Its name derives from the loss of the second quire in the Insular manuscript, or its antecedent, from which it was translated, containing part of the description of Egypt. Despite this loss of text, the Defective Version established itself as the dominant form of the work in England, and was perpetuated in the printed editions of the text until 1725.

15 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Feb 2012-Language
TL;DR: This article investigated the impact of antecedent properties animacy and syntactic role on the resolution of personal and demonstrative pronouns in monolingual German-and Bulgarian-speaking children.
Abstract: This article investigates the acquisition of pronominal resolution as a process instantiated at the syntax–discourse interface. Based on current psycholinguistic proposals concerning the gradual development from a more context-driven towards a linguistically constrained representation of discourse referents, we conducted an experimental study investigating the impact of the antecedent properties animacy and syntactic role on the resolution of personal and demonstrative pronouns. Participants were 3- and 5-year-old monolingual German- and Bulgarian-speaking children. Results suggest that the 3-year-olds establish one pronoun type as a default in their early anaphoric system. Five-year-olds resolve personal pronouns to the maximally salient antecedent which they determine by a joint consideration of the subject and animacy status of available referents. The resolution of demonstratives shows initial language-specific constraints.

15 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors provided an in-depth study of the syntax of German let-middles and showed that these middles can be fully derived in the syntax, and no resort to lexical procedures is required.
Abstract: This paper provides an in-depth study of the syntax of German let-middles. It will be shown that these middles can be fully derived in the syntax, and no resort to lexical procedures is required. In particular, I argue that let-middles involve a reflexively marked anticausative (sich lassen), embedding a passive VoiceP. Combined with the fact that they are based on processes that the grammar makes available independently (i.e., the formation of anticausatives and passives), the observation that let-middles pattern like canonical middles in terms of the core properties that define the middle construction strongly suggests that the middle is not a grammatical, but a notional category (Condoravdi 1989; Lekakou 2002, 2005). This paper thereby indirectly supports analyses of canonical middles that treat them as parasitic on other constructions such as passives (Lekakou 2005) or anticausatives (e.g., Hale and Keyser 1987; Schafer 2008). The proposed analysis also shows that reflexive pronouns without a c-commanding antecedent do not necessarily lead to ungrammaticality as long as their phi-features are formally valued. Let-middles also provide evidence that a passive syntax does not have to correlate with passive morphology. It will be argued that the existence of such morphologically unmarked passives is restricted to contexts in which not enough structure is present for passive morphology to surface. Restructuring infinitives are one such context.

15 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an appositive relative clause (ARC) is coordinated with its antecedent to avoid problems that come with the adjunction analysis, and it predicts some interesting facts.
Abstract: The difference between restrictive and appositive relativization is usually represented in syntax as complementation versus adjunction with respect to the antecedent noun. Instead I propose that an appositive relative clause (ARC) is coordinated with its antecedent. This approach avoids problems that come with the adjunction analysis, and it predicts some interesting facts. First consider the structure of restrictive relatives. The two major analyses that can be found in the literature are depicted in (1).

15 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The results suggest that anaphor resolution unfolds serially, such that prior disambiguating context does not ‘inoculate’ against local activation of salient (but contextually inappropriate) features, and that older readers use the situational grounding of discourse context to support earlier access to the antecedent, and are more likely to reprocess the context for anaphors resolution.
Abstract: One crucial component of reading comprehension is the ability to bind current information to earlier text, which is often accomplished via anaphoric expressions (e.g., pronouns referring to previous nouns). Processing time for anaphors that violate expectations (e.g., 'The firefighter burned herself while rescuing victims from the building') provide a window into how the semantic representation of the referent is instantiated and retained up to the anaphor. We present data from three eye-tracking experiments examining older and younger adults' reading patterns for passages containing such local expectancy violations. Younger adults quickly registered and resolved the expectancy violation at the point at which it first occurred (as measured by increased gaze duration on the anaphor), regardless of whether sentences were read in isolation or embedded in a discourse context. Older adults, however, immediately noticed the violation only when sentences were embedded in discourse context, suggesting that they relied more on situational grounding to instantiate the referent. For neither young nor old did prior disambiguation within the context (e.g., stating the firefighter was a woman) reduce the effect of the local violation on early processing. For older readers, however, prior disambiguation facilitated anaphor resolution by reducing reprocessing. These results suggest that (a) anaphor resolution unfolds serially, such that prior disambiguating context does not 'inoculate' against local activation of salient (but contextually inappropriate) features, and that (b) older readers use the situational grounding of discourse context to support earlier access to the antecedent, and are more likely to reprocess the context for anaphor resolution.

15 citations


Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
20222
202159
202052
201957
201863
201762