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Showing papers on "Caste published in 1987"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Humla District, in Nepal's far northwest Karnali Zone, ethnic relations are characterized more by interaction, interdependence, and mobility than contrasts and boundaries between groups as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Models of ethnicity in Nepal stress, on the one hand, unlimited ethnic diversity and, on the other, a rather limited set of ethnic contrasts: Hindu versus Buddhist, tribe versus caste, mountain versus middle hills versus lowland Terai. However, ethnic relations in Humla District, in Nepal's far northwest Karnali Zone, are characterized more by interaction, interdependence, and mobility than contrasts and boundaries between groups.1 In Humla, individuals and even entire villages readily change their ethnic affiliation and their position in the caste system. There, too, ethnic groups are linked by a regional economic and social system, and changes in a group's ethnic affiliations are coincident with changes in their economy and style of life. Finally, the case of Humla reaffirms what other scholars have noted: ethnic relations today are the outcome of a historical process of accommodation between regional ethnic systems and the policies of a centralizing state.

121 citations


Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: This paper brought together eight of Srinivas's most important essays, centering on three institutions basic to Indian society: village, caste, and joint family, and revealed the continuities amidst the changes taking place in India today.
Abstract: The pioneering work of sociologist M. N. Srinivas has stimulated intense debate on the structure of Indian society and the changes taking place there. This volume brings together eight of Srinivas's most important essays, centering on three institutions basic to Indian society: village, caste, and joint family. The author brings a fresh outlook to his work, revealing the continuities amidst the changes taking place in India today.

85 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A common but curious sight of the Indian bazaar is the hijḍā, the "eunuch" of Indian English as discussed by the authors, who beg from merchants who quickly respond to the silent demands of such detested individuals.
Abstract: A Common but curious sight of the Indian bazaar is the hijḍā, the ‘eunuch’ of Indian English. Obviously transvestites, the hijḍās beg from merchants who quickly, under threat of obscene abuse, respond to the silent demands of such detested individuals. On occasion, especially festival days, they press their claims with boisterous and ribald singing and dancing. Popular Indian opinion would label the hijḍās as nothing more than male prostitutes. Yet at the same time, and hinting at a more complex social function, they are expected if unwanted visitors at wedding parties and birth celebrations where they demand their share of the general largesse. Seen solely as one element in the fabric of contemporary society, the life of a hijḍā is surely ‘an alternative social role … which cater[s] not only for the temperamental misfits but also for disavowed yet persistent needs of the community as a whole’. However, such characterizations are made without much investigation of the ‘alternative social role’. The vast Indian underworld—the low caste and outcaste; the beggars, touts, petty criminals, and prostitutes; and also the hijḍā—has been much neglected as a subject of serious scholarship.

58 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The sociological perspective on caste seems to be obscured by a great deal of confusion about the place of religious values and sentiments in Hindu society as mentioned in this paper. But this is not the case in the sociology of India.
Abstract: There seem to be at least two elusive concepts in the sociology of India: caste and communalism. On caste Eric Wolf makes the point eloquently: ‘The literature on the topic is labyrinthine, and the reader is not always sure there is light at the end of the tunnel’ (1982: 397). The sociological perspective on caste seems to be obscured by a great deal of confusion about the place of religious values and sentiments in Hindu society. According to Louis Dumont (1970: 6, 7), the primary object of the sociology of India should be a system of ideas and the approach that of a sociology of values. Since the religious ideology, on which the caste system is based in his view, seems to have been fixed already in the classical period of Indian civilization, caste becomes a static, a-historical phenomenon in Dumont's writing and in much of the debate originating from it (cf. Van der Veer 1985). The same may easily happen with that other most elusive concept of the sociology of India, communalism. Again Dumont can be our misleading guide here. He argues that ‘communalism is the affirmation of the religious community as a political group’ (1970: 90). In terms of their religious values and norms there is a lasting social heterogeneity of the Hindu and Muslim communities (95–8). This argument amounts to a ‘two-nation’ theory, based upon an a-historical sociology of values.

52 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A structural analysis of British and Indian narratives on Caste for the Kwnaon-Garhwal Region of U.P. as mentioned in this paper is a substantially revised version of Chapter I of my M.Phil. dissertation.
Abstract: Bcknow)edgements~ This paper is a substantially revised version of Chapter I of my M.Phil. dissertation, A Structural Analysis of British and Indian Narratives on Caste for the Kwnaon-Garhwal Region of U. P. , Delhi University, 1985. I am grateful to Neeladari Bhattacharya for his comments on the earlier drafts of the chapter. I am also grateful for the valuable criticisms made by the anonymous referee, and by Dharma Kumar. I also thank Veena Das for her guidance throughout. . I

43 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors point out certain problems with both the cultural difference and castelike minority theories concerning instances of school failure among minority children and propose an alternative framework capable of encompassing some findings from both theories.
Abstract: These comments point out certain problems with both the cultural difference and castelike minority theories concerning instances of school failure among minority children. The comments conclude by outlining an alternative framework capable of encompassing some findings from both theories. SCHOOL POLITICS, CASTELIKE MINORITIES

36 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Srinivas as discussed by the authors introduced the concept of "Sanskritization" for describing cultural and social change among the Coorgs of South India, and extended it to Indian society as a whole, focusing particularly on the problem of caste relations.
Abstract: M. N. Srinivas (1952) first introduced the concept of ‘Sanskritization’ for describing cultural and social change among the Coorgs of South India. More specifically, the term was used to explain the integration of Coorgs into Indian society through their adoption of various Sanskritbased beliefs and practices. It also referred to caste mobility, a process whereby the Coorgs attempted to raise their caste status by observing various rules of behavior as defined in Sanskritic scriptures and practiced by Brahmins. In elaborating this concept, Srinivas (1956, 1967) has sought to extend it to Indian society as a whole, focusing particularly on the problem of caste relations. He has emphasized that the extent of Sanskritization among the jātis of a region depends upon the character of the locally dominant caste. The latter provides an immediate model for the lower castes to emulate. In generalizing this concept, Srinivas has also attempted to assess the compatibility (and to some degree, conflict) between Sanskritization and Westernization.

26 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The role of unequal land rights in determining the status of different caste and class groups in India has been the subject of much debate, their impact on women's status has generally escaped attention.
Abstract: While the role of unequal land rights in determining the status of different caste and class groups in India has been the subject of much debate, their impact on women's status has generally escaped attention. In fact the patriarchal bias of the social and the legal system gives rise to the assumption that once the men of the family have land, the women's needs are automatically taken care of This study attempts to place the issue of the denial of land rights to Ho tribal women in the context of women's daily lives, work, struggle for survival and status in the family and community This is the final part of the paper which has been published in three parts.

25 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: There was no single variable that differentiated villages in which the primary health care system was working well from those in which there were serious problems nor were there variables that uniformly characterized village health workers who mismanaged funds.
Abstract: To investigate management at the peripheral level of the primary health care system interviews were conducted in 33 villages comprising 14% of all primary health care villages in The Gambia. The study methodology used both qualitative and quantitative types of data collection as well as both historical description and present-time systems analysis. An emphasis was placed on understanding the organization of village social and cultural groups identifying groups with and without power and influence recommending structures to promote equitable and efficient management of primary health care and examining payment schemes. Gambian villages were found to be organized on principles of caste class age religion gender and ranked order of wives. The resulting stratification contributes to political factionalism. Major political institutions include the headman and his council the womens organization and newly created village development committees. There was no single variable that differentiated villages in which the primary health care system was working well from those in which there were serious problems nor were there variables that uniformly characterized village health workers who mismanaged funds. Given the lack of financial resources it is recommended that village health workers who are traditional practitioners and can continue to work on a fee-for-services basis should be selected and that the cost of the few essential drugs used at village level should be covered from gene ral revenue. Other recommendations include strengthening of the village development committees to represent all major ethnic caste class and age groups in the community; expanding the role of these committees to encompass coordination of all extension workers; and improving the training of midwives and female community workers.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 1985, a bitter conflict erupted in India over one of the ruling Congress Party's longest-standing policies: the preferential treatment of the Scheduled castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: DURING 1985 a bitter conflict erupted in India over one of the ruling Congress Party's longest-standing policies: the preferential treatment of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes. The first two groups of "historically disadvantaged" peoples had been receiving reserved quotas of positions in legislatures, educational institutions, and government employment since 1950. For several years, however, opposition to the administration of the reservation system, and to its expansion to include "other backwards," had been mounting in various parts of India. Ironically, it reached its most violent dimensions in Gujarat, the birthplace of Mahatma Gandhi, and in the centennial year of the nationalist movement which Gandhi led to independence. In brief, the Gujarat troubles began when the Congress government of Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki, largely composed of members of these disadvantaged groups,' announced on January 10, 1985 that the reserved quota for backward class candidates in universities and government employment would be raised from 10 to 28 percent, in addition to the 21 percent already reserved for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. This meant that 49 percent of positions, the maximum the courts had deemed permissible, would now be reserved. Demonstrations against the increase became violent after the March state election in which the Congress won the largest victory ever recorded in Gujarat. The new Solanki government offered to postpone the reservation increase, but the violence intensified. Rioting, which included elements of caste, class, communal, and police-citizen conflict, became so uncontrollable that the Indian army was called in to restore order. It could not do so completely. All told, some two hundred and seventy-five people died in the orgy of arson and murder, and an estimated Rs. 2,200 crores (1 crore = $1.25 million) worth of damage was done to

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the relative importance of the Hindu religion and economic incentives to cattle and buffalo ownership patterns among Indian farmers and argue that technological and environmental concerns are the primary factors that influence livestock ownership.
Abstract: Recent reports (Wyatt-Smith, 1981; Fox, 1983) indicate that the livestock population of Nepal exceeds available feed resources and that overgrazing causes severe land degradation. Knowledge of livestock ownership patterns and factors that influence livestock ownership is thus important to land management programmes. Currently, these patterns are poorly understood and theories to explain livestock ownership are controversial. Attention has been focused on the relative importance of the Hindu religion and economic incentives to cattle and buffalo ownership patterns among Indian farmers (Harris, 1966, 1974, 1978; Heston, 1971; Freed and Freed, 1972, 1981; Harris et al., 1982). While Freed and Freed and Heston propose that religious considerations influence livestock ownership patterns, Harris asserts that technological and environmental concerns are the primary factors. Freed and Freed (1981:483) claim that ". . . there are too many cattle, especially zebu cows, in terms of their techno-environmental functions, that uneconomic animals compete with humans for food, that this situation is due at least in part to the religious veneration of the cow, and that a smaller cattle population with different demographic characteristics could adequately perform all of the functions of the present population". Harris et al. (1982:365), on the other hand, maintain that the effects of religion "do not significantly influence the major regional variations in bovine age, sex, and species ratios". For land managers attempting to control overgrazing, it is important to know whether Hindu religious beliefs need to be considered when trying to convince farmers to reduce the number of their livestock. Harris et al. (1982: 365) clearly believe they do not: "Proposals to change the existing deployment of bovine resources . . . cannot set forth from the proposition that the Hindu proscriptions take precedence over economic costs and benefits in the Indian farmer's decision-making process". At the village level Hindu cultural practices are often manifested by caste. The four major divisions of the caste system are Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas (rulers and warriors), Vaishyas (agriculturalists and traders), and Sudras (service or untouchable groups). In Nepal, both Brahmins and Kshatriyas (Chhetris) are considered to be twice born and wear the sacred thread (janai). Vaishyas include the Newars and other indigenous tribal hill groups. Sudras include the blacksmiths (kami), leatherworkers (sarkai), and tailors (damai). It is dangerous to generalize about caste in Nepal but Brahmins, being of the highest caste and class and therefore having the most to lose, generally follow the proscriptions of the Hindu religion the most closely. If Freed and Freed's assertion that religious veneration of the cow affects livestock ownership patterns is true,



Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1987


Book ChapterDOI
31 Jan 1987

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A large number of studies make 'Sociology of Harijans' a significant branch of Indian Sociology today as discussed by the authors and they can be divided into three categories: pure enthnographic studies, social studies, and sociological studies.
Abstract: A large number of studies make 'Sociology of Harijans' a significant branch of Indian Sociology today. We may divide the literature on this subject into three categories. The first one consists of pure enthnographic studies throwing light on the status, life, and culture of the Harijans who suffer from the stigma of untouchability even today and who form one seventh of the Indian population There ate a number of studies in this category but the more significant among them are by Bridgs (1920), Ambedkar (1948), Fuchs (1951), Singh (1967 & 1969), Doshi (1974), Desai (1973 So 1976), Lakshmanna (1977), Rao and Raju (1975), Moffatt (1975 & 1979), Vidyarthi and Mishra (1977), Sengupta (1979), Kamble (1982) and Rao (u d.).





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the spatial distribution of the scheduled caste population of India is described using data primarily from the 1981 census, which accounts for 15.7 percent of the total population and represents the underprivileged sectors.
Abstract: The spatial distribution of the scheduled caste population of India is described using data primarily from the 1981 census. This population accounts for 15.7 percent of the total population and represents the underprivileged sectors of society. It is noted that the scheduled castes make up 17.4 percent of the rural population and 10.6 percent of the urban population. The causes of variations in the concentration of the scheduled caste population are also analyzed. (ANNOTATION)


Journal Article
TL;DR: The variation in the influence of some of the vital socioeconomic status variables on the adoption of contraception over a period of time is studied among the adopters of two extreme cultural groups (scheduled castes and caste Hindus) in Andhra Pradesh state.
Abstract: The variation in the influence of some of the vital socioeconomic status variables on the adoption of contraception over a period of time is studied among the adopters of two extreme cultural groups--scheduled castes and caste Hindus--in Andhra Pradesh state. It is found that the association between the selected socioeconomic variables and adoption of contraception is highly significant among those who have adopted in less than 5 years as compared to those who adopted before 5 years or more. Further the association is more pronounced among the caste Hindus a developed community as against the scheduled castes a less developed community. (authors)