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Coalition government

About: Coalition government is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 2156 publications have been published within this topic receiving 27323 citations. The topic is also known as: ruling coalition.


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article proposed a new hand-coding scheme for policy positions, together with a new English language computer coding scheme that is compatible with this, and applied both schemes to party manifestos from Britain and Ireland in 1992 and 1997 and cross validated the resulting estimates with those derived from quite independent expert surveys and with previous manifesto analyses.
Abstract: The analysis of policy-based party competition will not make serious progress beyond the constraints of (a) the unitary actor assumption and (b) a static approach to analyzing party competition between elections until a method is available for deriving reliable and valid time-series estimates of the policy positions of large numbers of political actors. Retrospective estimation of these positions in past party systems will require a method for estimating policy positions from political texts. Previous hand-coding content analysis schemes deal with policy emphasis rather than policy positions. We propose a new hand-coding scheme for policy positions, together with a new English language computer-coding scheme that is compatible with this. We apply both schemes to party manifestos from Britain and Ireland in 1992 and 1997 and cross validate the resulting estimates with those derived from quite independent expert surveys and with previous manifesto analyses. There is a high degree of cross validation between coding methods, including computer coding. This implies that it is indeed possible to use computer-coded content analysis to derive reliable and valid estimates of policy positions from political texts. This will allow vast volumes of text to be coded, including texts generated by individuals and other internal party actors, allowing the empirical elaboration of dynamic rather than static models of party competition that move beyond the unitary actor assumption. eriving reliable and valid estimates of the policy positions of key actors is fundamental to the analysis of political competition. Various systematic methods have been used to do this, including surveys of voters, politicians, and political scientists, and the content analysis of policy documents. Each method has advantages and disadvantages but, for both theoretical and pragmatic reasons, policy documents represent a core source of information about the policy positions of political actors. We explore various ways to extract information about policy positions from political texts. We are particularly interested in using computer-coding techniques to derive reliable and valid estimates of the policy positions of political actors. This is not mere laziness on our part, a lack of stomach for the hard graft of expert coding. If analyses of party competition are to move beyond both static models and a view of political parties as unitary actors, this requires information on the policy positions of actors inside political parties and on the development of these over time and between elections. The laborious expert "hand-coding" of text is simply not a viable method for estimating the policy positions of huge numbers of political actors, for example, all members of a legislature. Any serious attempt to operationalize a model of internal party policy competition, or of dynamic policy-based party competition or coalition government between elections, implies using computer-coding for estimating the policy positions of key political actors. We first review existing methods for estimating policy positions from political texts. These have for the most part concentrated on the expert coding of party manifestos. We then suggest ways to improve these, dealing with both expertand computer-coded content analysis. We then explore the impact of our suggestions upon estimates of party policy positions derived from British and Irish manifestos issued during the 1992 and 1997 general elections in each country, positions for which a range of

520 citations

Book
28 Aug 2003
TL;DR: Yavuz as discussed by the authors argues that Islamic social movements can be important agents for promoting a democratic and pluralistic society, and that the Turkish example holds long term promise for the rest of the Muslim world.
Abstract: In November of 2002, the Justice and Development Party swept to victory in the Turkish parliamentary elections. Because of the party's Islamic roots, its electoral triumph has sparked a host of questions both in Turkey and in the West: Does the party harbor a secret Islamist agenda? Will the new government seek to overturn nearly a century of secularization stemming from Kemal Ataturk's early-twentieth-century reforms? Most fundamentally, is Islam compatible with democracy? In this penetrating work, M. Hakan Yavuz seeks to answer these questions, and to provide a comprehensive analysis of Islamic political identity in Turkey. He begins in the early twentieth century, when Kemal Ataturk led Turkey through a process of rapid secularization and crushed Islamic opposition to his authoritarian rule. Yavuz argues that since Ataturk's death in 1938, however, Turkey has been gradually moving away from his militant secularism and experiencing "a quiet Muslim reformation." Islamic political identity is not homogeneous, says Yavuz, but can be modern and progressive as well as conservative and potentially authoritarian. While the West has traditionally seen Kemalism as an engine for reform against "reactionary" political Islam, in fact the Kemalist establishment has traditionally used the "Islamic threat" as an excuse to avoid democratization and thus hold on to power. Yavuz offers an account of the "soft coup" of 1997, in which the Kemalist military-bureaucratic establishment overthrew the democratically elected coalition government, which was led by the pro-Islamic Refah party. He argues that the soft coup plunged Turkey into a renewed legitimacy crisis which can only be resolved by the liberalization of the political system. The book ends with a discussion of the most recent election and its implications for Turkey and the Muslim world. Yavuz argues that Islamic social movements can be important agents for promoting a democratic and pluralistic society, and that the Turkish example holds long term promise for the rest of the Muslim world. Based on extensive fieldwork and interviews, this work offers a sophisticated new understanding of the role of political Islam in one of the world's most strategically important countries.

455 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a model of rational expectations with an emphasis on the credibility of the policy promises of prospective government partners as determined by the allocation of portfolios in the new government is presented.
Abstract: The formal study of coalitions is active in Europe, whereas the formal study of political institutions preoccupies American scholars. We seek to integrate aspects of these two bodies of research. For nearly thirty years models of coalition government have focused more on coalition than on government. Thus, these theories are essentially extensions of the theory of voting in legislatures. Unlike passing a bill or “dividing a dollar,” however, forming a government is not the end of politics but the beginning. During the formation process, rational actors must entertain expectations of subsequent government behavior. We provide a model of rational expectations with an emphasis on the credibility of the policy promises of prospective government partners as determined by the allocation of portfolios in the new government. Portfolio allocation becomes the mechanism by which prospective coalitions make credible promises and so inform the expectations of rational agents in the coalition formation process.

408 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors reviewed the key policy announcements of the Coalition's first year and analysed the underlying themes and trends which are emerging, and argued that the coalition's reforms do show traces of an ideological commitment to localism and a new understanding of local self-government; there is an ideological agenda which has the potential to deliver a radically different form of local governance.
Abstract: The Coalition between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, formally created on 11th May 2010, has introduced a range of initiatives which affect local governance, from the announcement of a new Localism Bill through to the abolition of the Audit Commission and the arrival of the ‘Big Society’ agenda. This article reviews the key policy announcements of the Coalition's first year and analyses the underlying themes and trends which are emerging. It argues that the Coalition's reforms do show traces of an ideological commitment to localism and a new understanding of local self-government; there is an ideological agenda which has the potential to deliver a radically different form of local governance. However, the reform process is far from coherent and the potential for radical change is heavily constrained by: conflicts in Conservative thinking and the failure of the Liberal Democrats to assert their own ideology; the political expediency of budget cuts during an era of austerity and; the probl...

361 citations

Book
01 Jan 2001
TL;DR: In this article, the Wittman model is used to model the state-space and error-distribution models of Uncertainty in a single issue setting, and a three-party model of American politics is proposed.
Abstract: Preface Introduction 1. Political Competition over a Single Issue: The Case of Certainty 1.1 Citizens, Voters, and Parties 1.2 The Downs Model 1.3 The Wittman Model 1.4 Conclusion 2. Modeling Party Uncertainty 2.1 Introduction 2.2 The State-Space Approach to Uncertainty 2.3 An Error-Distribution Model of Uncertainty 2.4 A Finite-Type Model 2.5 Conclusion 3. Unidimensional Policy Spaces with Uncertainty 3.1 Introduction 3.2 The Downs Model 3.3 The Wittman Model: An Example 3.4 Existence of Wittman Equilibrium 3.5 Properties of Wittman Equilibrium 3.6 Summary 4. Applications of the Wittman Model 4.1 Simple Models of Redistribution: The Politics of Extremism 4.2 Politico-Economic Equilibrium with Labor-Supply Elasticity 4.3 Partisan Dogmatism and Political Extremism 4.4 A Dynamic Model of Political Cycles 4.5 Conclusion 5. Endogenous Parties: The Unidimensional Case 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Average-Member Nash Equilibrium 5.3 Condorcet-Nash Equilibrium 5.4 Conclusion 6. Political Competition over Several Issues: The Case of Certainty 6.1 Introduction 6.2 The Downs Model 6.3 The Wittman Model 6.4 Conclusion 7. Multidimensional Issue Spaces and Uncertainty: The Downs Model 7.1 Introduction 7.2 The State-Space and Error-Distribution Models of Uncertainty 7.3 The Coughlin Model 7.4 The Lindbeck-Weibull Model 7.5 Adapting the Coughlin Model to the Case of Aggregate Uncertainty 7.6 Conclusion 8. Party Factions and Nash Equilibrium 8.1 Introduction 8.2 Party Factions 8.3 PUNE as a Bargaining Equilibrium 8.4 A Differential Characterization of PUNE 8.5 Regular Wittman Equilibrium 8.6 PUNEs in the Unidimensional Model 8.7 PUNEs in a Multidimensional Euclidean Model 8.8 Conclusion 9. The Democratic Political Economy of Progressive Taxation 9.1 Introduction 9.2 The Model 9.3 The Equilibrium Concepts 9.4 Analysis of Party Competition 9.5 Calibration 9.6 Conclusion 10. Why the Poor Do Not Expropriate the Rich in Democracies 10.1 The Historical Issue and a Model Preview 10.2 The Politico-Economic Environment 10.3 Analysis of PUNEs 10.4 Empirical Tests 10.5 Proofs of Theorems 10.6 Concluding Remark 11. Distributive Class Politics and the Political Geography of Interwar Europe 11.1 Introduction 11.2 The Luebbert Model 11.3 Testing Luebbert's Theory 11.4 Introducing the Communists: A Three-Party Model 11.5 Conclusion 11.6 Methodological Coda Appendix 11A 12. A Three-Class Model of American Politics 12.1 Introduction 12.2 The Model 12.3 Characterization of PUNEs 12.4 Results 12.5 Conclusion 13. Endogenous Parties with Multidimensional Competition 13.1 Introduction 13.2 Endogenous Parties 13.3 Taxation and Race 13.4 Fitting the Model to U.S. Data 13.5 Quadratic Taxation 13.6 Private Financing of Parties 13.7 A Technical Remark on the Existence of PUNEs 13.8 Conclusion 13.9 Why the Poor Do Not Expropriate the Rich: Reprise 14. Toward a Model of Coalition Government 14.1 Introduction 14.2 The Payoff Function of a Wittman Party 14.3 An Example of Coalition Government: Unidimensional Wittman Equilibrium 14.4 Multidimensional Three-Party Politics 14.5 Coalition Government with a Multidimensional Issue Space: An Example 14.6 Conclusion Mathematical Appendix A.1 Basics of Probability Theory A.2 Some Concepts from Analysis References Index

338 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
202323
202242
202127
202048
201948
201855