Showing papers on "Curriculum published in 1978"

Assessment in higher education

Abstract: Assessment in higher education - an introduction en-route to a degree grades and grading temperament and testing defining the task of assessment - implications for teaching finding objectives for learning and competency concept learning and curriculum objectives perception, learning and studying learning and the role of the teacher written examinations and assignments (content, structure and marking) practicals, projects and self-assessment objective tests toward multiple strategy assessment.

Curriculum Tracking and Educational Stratification: Some Further Evidence.

Abstract: ABSTRACT This study analyzes the differential antecedents and consequences of high school curriculum placement, using longitudinal survey dati from a subsample of a national sample of students who were contacted in.the 9th,'11th, and 12th grades. The study focilses in particular on three general questions: 1) What are the mechanisms by which socioeconomic baCkground affeCts curriculum placepent?'2) ,When preenrollment controls are included, whit effect does curriculum placement'have on high school achievements (absolute and relative), goals, and. behaviors? 3) How severely. biased are estimates of .curriculdm effectS when preenrollmeAt motivations aid achievelents are iot'Controlled? Analysis of thedata Show that students' sOcioeconomid-chataCteristiCS influence high schbOl'dpiiiculum placeient almost totally through their effects on,achidiremenr goals, and encouragement during junior, high school; AlSo, 'curriculum_ placement has important effetts on educational outcomes in the junior and senior years, even when4reqUrallient _variables are controlled.. OuthoriaGX.

Contemporary Music Education

Abstract: List of Illustrations and Exhibits. Preface to the Third Edition. Preface to the First Edition. PART I: SOCIAL AND INTELLECTUAL FOUNDATIONS OF CONTEMPORARY MUSIC EDUCATION. 1. Historical Foundations of Music Education. 2. Pivotal Events of the Contemporary Era. 3. Intellectual Currents in the Contemporary Era. 4. Advocacy: Connecting Public Policy and Arts Education. PART II: THE MUSIC CURRICULUM. 5. Music Education Methods. 6. Materials and Tools of Music Education. PART III: AREAS OF CONCERN FOR MUSIC EDUCATION. 7. Music Education for Special Needs. 8. The Education of Music Teachers. PART IV: FINALE. 9. The Assessment of Music Education. 10. Contemporary Music Education: Conclusion. Bibliography. Index.

The Development of a Learning Strategies Curriculum

Abstract: Publisher Summary This chapter reviews the development of a learning strategies curriculum. Educational research and development efforts have been directed almost exclusively at the improvement of teaching. The relative neglect of the learning aspect of education is probably unwarranted, especially when one considers the importance of ameliorating the transfer of classroom knowledge and skills to the job situation. Studies on the improvement of teaching have dealt with a variety of aspects of the educational environment. Consequently, an exclusive focus on improving teaching methods may lead to inadvertent reinforcement of inappropriate and nontransferable learning strategies. Furthermore, by not stressing learning strategies, educators, in essence, discourage students from developing and exploring new strategies, and in so doing, limit students' awareness of their cognitive capabilities. In summary, exclusive emphasis on teaching methods may lead to ineffective instructional manipulations, force students to develop nontransferable and inefficient strategies, limit a student's cognitive awareness, and consequently, extract a large emotional toll.

Negotiating the Curriculum.

Abstract: In the late 1970s in Australia, it had become fashionable for schools in Australia to produce language policies across the curriculum. Because I was at that time convinced that such policies would be ineffectual unless they were accompanied by changes to the school’s administrative structure, its curriculum and its educational philosophy, I wanted to explore an issue that went behind language to the eternal triangle of education: the teacher, the child and the curriculum. This exploration owes a considerable debt to Professor James Britton, who offered valuable encouragement and advice in the early years of the work of the various ‘language and learning’ teams in Australia. Britton supported our growing belief that the more profitable question to put to whole school staffs is not ‘How can we develop the child’s language?’, but ‘How do children (and for that matter, we) learn? The first question quite often threatens those teachers who consider themselves unqualified to teach language, and it can also lead to petty bickering about the perennial bogey surface-features of spelling, punctuation and ‘proper’ presentation. If language across the curriculum is associated with the English faculty, Sampson’s ‘Every teacher is a teacher of English’ (1926) becomes a misleading focus. But put the second question, and all teachers, lecturers and administrators are, or should be, equal. This is a question to which we all should have personal, articulate and perpetually speculative responses. Allied to the question of ‘How do children learn?’ are further teasers, such as ‘Under which conditions do children learn most effectively?’, ‘What is learning?’, and ‘Do we all learn in the same way?’

Competency-based curriculum development on medical education: an introduction.

Abstract: Competency-based curriculum development in medical education: an introduction , Competency-based curriculum development in medical education: an introduction , مرکز فناوری اطلاعات و اطلاع رسانی کشاورزی

Curriculum Biases in Reading Achievement Tests.

Abstract: The extent and direction of curriculum bias in standardized reading achievement tests are examined. Bias is estimated by comparing the relative overlap in the contents of five separate reading achi...

Financial Adversity, Internal Competition, and Curriculum Change in a University.

Abstract: December 1978, volume 23 Records at Stanford University were used to explore the relation between changes in the curriculum and financial adversity. Two hypotheses were derived from a model of universities as adaptive organizations with departments competing for resources. To test the hypotheses, changes in eight attributes of the curriculum were studied. The data show that university curriculum responded to changes in financial conditions and that departments of stronger research reputation were less responsive than departments of weaker reputation.

Understanding the Curriculum: the Approach through Case Studies

Abstract: (1978). Understanding the Curriculum: the Approach through Case Studies. Journal of Curriculum Studies: Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 1-17.

Ideology, Reproduction, and Educational Reform

Abstract: Liberal educators have taken a rather optimistic posture on some aspects of the past 10-15 years of educational reform in the United States. This is particularly evident, perhaps, in those individuals and groups who are concerned primarily with curriculum, with the knowledge that gets into schools, and who have either witnessed or participated in the growth of discipline-centered curricula throughout the country. The position is often taken that school people, scholars, the business community, parents, and others, all somehow working together, have set in motion forces that have increased the stock of disciplinary knowledge that all students are to get. Supposedly, this process of increased distribution of knowledge has been enhanced by comparatively large amounts of funding on a national level for curriculum development, teacher training and retraining, and so on. Success may not have been total-after all, it almost never is-but better management and dissemination strategies can be generated to deal with these kinds of problems. Given this posture, we have tended to forget that, often, what is not asked about such widespread efforts at "reform" may be more important than what we commonsensically like to ask. Who benefits from such reforms? What are their latent connections to the ways inequality may be maintained? Do the very ways we tend to look at schools and especially the knowledge and culture they overtly and covertly teach (even ways generated out of a fairly radical perspective) cover some of the interests that they embody? What frameworks have been and need to be developed to generate the evidence which answers to these kinds of questions require? In what follows, I shall outline some approaches for dealing with these issues, approaches which incorporate some of the current economic criticisms of schooling but which also respond to the complex functioning of schools that even some of the analysts of the political economy of education may tend to gloss over. Only when we can see this complex functioning, some of which embodies clear economic The analysis on which this article is based is expanded in Michael W. Apple, Ideology and Curriculum (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, in press). @ 1978 by the Comparative and International Education Society. 0010-4086/78/2203-0001$01.72

Theory and Practice in Social Work: A Re-examination of a Tenuous Relationship

Abstract: Brian Sheldon took a psychiatric social work qualification at Birmingham University in 1970. He subsequently worked at the Parent and Child Centre in Birmingham, spent a year as a senior social worker with Warwickshire Social Services and has held two joint university/local authority student unit posts. He now teaches full time at Birmingham University where his special interests include the social work applications of behaviour modification theory, and research into forms of social work evaluation. SUMMARY This article discusses the need for an agreed framework within which a genuinely reciprocal relationship between social work theory and practice could be developed. After pointing out the inconsistencies of the present relationship, the author goes on to conclude that three main obstacles stand in the way of the achievement of this goal. He cites firstly, the present design of the social work curriculum, with particular reference to the underlying principle of eclecticism; secondly, the negative attitudes held by many in the profession towards science as a means of evaluating competing concepts; and thirdly, the lack of an acceptably rigorous field work evaluation procedure which social workers could use to register their impact on the more nebulous aspects of their work. Suggestions are made as to how these obstacles might be overcome.

Diseases of the curriculum.

Abstract: During the past 20 years the author has visited almost half of all the American medical schools, usually as a consultant in matters of curriculum and instruction. Certain recurring curriculum problems have emerged and have been described as "diseases of the curriculum." To be exact, this article includes nine such entities. In addition to the naming of these nine curriculum conditions, there is ample illustrative material to ensure that each curriculum disease is fully explained--although the basic sciences supporting the study of education as a discipline are not advanced enough to allow fuller understanding of the disease processes. There is speculation, however, that even being able to name and describe these disturbances of normal curriculum development might be of help in solving some of our more serious curriculum problems.

What's wrong with medical education?*

Abstract: What’s wrong with medical education? Is there in fact anything wrong with medical education of sufficient importance to warrant our attention in the midst of all our other pressing and inescapable concerns? Could there be anything seriously wrong with medical education?-after all, each of us tends to say, in his heart of hearts at dead of night: ‘there can’t be much wrong with a system which produced me’. Aren’t all the things which are wrong with medical education easily explainable in terms of a chronic shortage of money, or the relative poverty of the funding provided for medical education and research when compared with the extraordinary sums devoted to the provision of health care, the quality of which is but rarely evaluated? Anyway, isn’t it only the older people who have fouled the medical education nest, and surely everything would be all right if the younger people could only obtain the power and leverage to which they are entitled? If there are faults in the system, aren’t they really attributable to an ungrateful public, an ideologically obsessed government, and a tribe of administrators who have become quite uncritically committed to the more extreme views of the behavioural scientists and professional educators? Now I would be the last person to deny that there is a grain, and sometimes more than a grain, of truth in these various manifestations of the siege mentality which is endemic within medical schools

Learning to Work: The Hidden Curriculum of the Classroom

Abstract: student beliefs about work and school. We suggested that the special function of schooling in socialization was preparation for the work world through a "hidden curriculum" stressing authority, time, work, achievement, and order. This curriculum was presented by means of teacher behavior; it expressed institutional rather than idiosyncratic teacher needs, and prevailed regardless of classroom environment and teacher style. HIDDEN CURRICULUM, CLASSROOM MANAGEMENT, TEACHER BEHAVIOR, FORMAL SCHOOLING. Going to school is part of the socialization process; schools transmit skills, aspirations, norms, and behavior patterns which assist in the assumption of specific roles. They do so both overtly and covertly. Overtly, they transmit cognitive skills such as reading, writing, and mathematics. Less obviously, the schools pursue noncognitive objectives - norms, values, and behavior patterns deemed important for socialization to adulthood. While the school is clearly not the only social agency that prepares children for adult life, it does differ from the primary agency in that it represents a transition, preparing children for more formal, achievement-oriented, and specific roles than does the family. Emile Durkheim, for example, recognized that while the family was quite effective as a means of nurturing children and developing their individual personalities, the school had to train them for citizenship in the larger society (1973). Joseph Grannis extends the analysis, saying that different kinds of schools are appropriate training arenas for different kinds of society; further, that within contemporary society, the type of school a child attends may dictate the labor force niche for which that child is prepared (1967:15-17). One of the most important contributions of schooling to the socialization process is training children for the world of work. The school is a work place, obviously so for teachers, but it is also a place of work for children, who may find in school their first encounter with a set of norms oriented toward the accomplishment of specific and universalistically evaluated tasks (Dreeben 1968:19). Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis suggest that "the structure of the educational experience is admirably suited to nurturing attitudes and behavior consonant with participation in the labor force. Particularly dramatic is the statistically verifiable congruence between personality traits conducive to

What Is Curriculum

Abstract: In all human societies, children are initiated into particular modes of making sense of their experience and the world about them, and also into a set of norms, knowledge, and skills which the society requires for its continuance. In most societies most of the time, this "curriculum" of initiation is not questioned; frequently it is enshrined in myths, rituals, and immemorial practices, which have absolute authority. One symptom-or perhaps condition-of pluralism is the conflict and argument about what this curriculum of initiation should contain. Today, however, the conflicts and arguments are even more profound and undermine rational discussion of what the curriculum should contain. Much discussion in the professional field of curriculum, at present, focuses on the basic question of what curriculum is, and this suggests severe disorientation. At a superficial level, confusion about what curriculum is, and thus what people concerned with it should do, involves argument about whether curriculum subsumes instruction-and thus whether a student of curriculum should also be a student of instructional methods-or whether

The Structure of Opportunity in School

Abstract: Official school records are used to analyze the opportunity structure and selection mechanisms within a school. Critics' charges that tracking systems preclude choice and mobility are not entirely supported, but more complex and subtle mechanisms for restricting opportunity are found to operate. Moreover, the analysis discovers that even if college admissions committees wished to admit high-achieving lower-track students, the use by many high schools of a grade-weighting procedure by which lower-track students' achievements are belittled reduces their post-graduate opportunities. These findings suggest that customary assumptions about the influence of choice and achievement may be too simple and customary conceptual models of contest and sponsored mobility may be less appropriate for describing actual track systems than a tournament model. Even after a decade of great progress in understanding the educational and occupational attainment process, we still know very little about the structure of opportunity within schools and its influence on youths' opportunities in society. Researchers have looked at school-wide effects, and they find much greater variance in educational attainment within schools than among different schools (Coleman et al.; Jencks et al.). This suggests that it is important to study selection systems within schools. Turner and S0rensen have proposed models of the opportunity structure within schools, but no research has looked at such structures directly. A number of recent studies have considered the effects of high school curriculum tracks on post-school attainment, but they have been largescale studies unable to examine selection processes within schools in detail (Alexander and Eckland; Alexander and McDill; Hauser et al.; Heyns; Jencks et al.). Cicourel and Kitsuse investigated in detail how a single school selects students for track placements, but they did not look at what kind of track mobility was permitted within the school. *This research was supported by the Institution for Social and Policy Studies, Yale University. Lee Rainwater and Paul V. Smith contributed many ideas throughout this work. I am also indebted to Wendell Bell, Goeffrey Bock, David Cohen, Christopher Jencks, Alan Kerckhoff, John Low-Beer, Rosemary Morazzini, Virginia Warcholik, Harold Wechsler, and anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.

New Views of the Learner: Implications for Instruction and Curriculum.

Abstract: (1979) New Views of the Learner: Implications for Instruction and Curriculum Childhood Education: Vol 56, No 1, pp 4-11

Teaching Dynamic Feedback Systems Thinking: An Elementary View

Abstract: A pilot study has demonstrated that dynamic feedback systems concepts can be taught to children as young as ten and eleven years old, when nurtured by a teaching strategy that follows Bruner's emphasis upon the teaching of basic structures [Bruner, J. S. 1963. The process of education. Vintage Books, New York.]. Focusing on the understanding and representation of underlying structures in the area of social studies, the author developed, implemented and evaluated a curriculum to teach children both to read dynamic feedback systems causal-loop diagrams and also to develop feedback diagrams explaining causal relationships among variables discussed in written materials. The curriculum enabled fifth and sixth grade children to learn analytic and synthesis skills previously taught primarily to graduate classes at M.I.T. The positive results achieved seem transferable to broader groups wishing to become familiar with dynamic feedback systems thinking and its applicability to social problems.

Notes of a biology-watcher. How to fix the premedical curriculum.

Abstract: THE influence of the modern medical school on liberal-arts education in this country over the last decade has been baleful and malign, nothing less. The admission policies of the medical schools are at the root of the trouble. If something is not done quickly to change these policies, all the joy of going to college will have been destroyed, not just for that growing majority of undergraduate students who draw breath only to become doctors, but for everyone else, all the students, and all the faculty as well. The medical schools used to say they wanted applicants as broadly educated . . .

The Changing Politics of Curriculum Policy-Making for American Schools

Abstract: Today, when we think we wish to free the mind so it will soar, we are still, nevertheless, bound by [an] ancient paradox, for we must hold our culture together through clinging to old ideas lest, in adopting new ones, we literally cease to exist.—Jules Henry (1963)—