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Doctrine

About: Doctrine is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 21901 publications have been published within this topic receiving 204282 citations.


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Book
01 Jan 1971
TL;DR: In this article, the development of the air weapon from World War I to World War II is described. But the development process is not described in detail, and the authors do not discuss the post-war development of air weapons.
Abstract: : Contents: The Development of Weapons: Procedures and Doctrine, The Problem of the Air Weapon, 1907-18, The Air Weapon in the United States, 1907- 18, Planning the Aerial Weapon, Organization for Decision, Organization for Information, Organization for Research and Development, The Development of Air Weapons: Fighters and Observation Aircraft, The Development of Air Weapons: Bombers, Heritage of the Air Weapon from World War I, The Postwar Air Service and Development of the Air Weapon, The Postwar Air Service and Air Doctrine, Summary and Conclusion.

56 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Monroe Doctrine as discussed by the authors was proposed by James Monroe in the U.S. Congress in 1823, and it became a rhetorical style associated many years later with similar pronouncements during the Cold War and after.
Abstract: The Monroe Doctrine as articulated before the U.S. Congress in 1823 established a rhetorical style associated many years later with similar pronouncements during the Cold War and after. Typically couched in the language of idealism and high principle, such affirmations of presidential purpose often purported to advance the cause of humankind, or at least a substantial portion thereof, by upholding values such as freedom, democracy, and peace. Such language sometimes served as a cover for less ennobling purposes connected with the defense of strategic and economic interests and usually contained some kind of threat to take countermeasures if other nations went beyond what the United States regarded as the appropriate bounds. The Monroe Doctrine also instituted a pattern by affirming defensive objectives. Over the years, James Monroe's doctrine took on various meanings and implications, depending upon shifting policies and preferences, but nevertheless consistently served as a mainstay in the articulation of U.S. goals and purposes in the Western Hemisphere. Three stood out among them. Policy makers wanted to keep out the Europeans, to safeguard order and stability in areas of special concern, and to ensure open access to markets and resources. To be sure, the means of implementation varied from time to time, but the pursuit of these objectives remained much the same. Underlying them, another constant projected a sense of racist condescension. Usually viewed as unruly children in need of discipline and direction, according to a prevailing assumption among U.S. policy makers, Latin Americans could not function without paternalistic oversight and supervision. The Monroe Doctrine emerged in response to the exigencies of European politics at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. In efforts to put the world back together again, the Great Powers, that is, the Austrians, Prussians, Russians, and British, under the terms of the Treaty of Paris in 1815 formed the Quadruple Alliance, an alignment committed to peace, order, and the status quo. Three years later, it turned into the Quintuple Alliance with the admission of France, a newly rehabilitated monarchy under the restored Bourbon kings. For good reason in the aftermath of the French upheaval, European leaders feared the threat of revolution more than most things. Consequently at the Congress of Troppau in 1820, they agreed forcibly to put down insurrectionist activities whenever and wherever necessary. Soon after, in 1821, Austrian armies suppressed a series of revolts in Italy. A year later French forces took action against an uprising in Spain. The Europeans also supported the Ottoman Turks in efforts to snuff out a rebellion in Greece. Such actions caused John Quincy Adams, the U.S. secretary of state, to wonder whether the Great Powers also might harbor similar ambitions in the New World, possibly to reinstate the Spanish American empire. The Latin American wars for independence inspired a great deal of interest among citizens of the United States. Indeed, many, such as Congressman Henry Clay of Kentucky, regarded them as conscious attempts to emulate the American Revolution. As Clay observed in 1818, Latin American leaders such as Simon Bolivar and Joss de San Martin have "adopted our principles, copied our institutions and ... employed the very language and sentiments of our revolutionary papers." Such perceptions probably attributed too much importance to the U.S. example and not enough to indigenous circumstances, but nevertheless they indicated high levels of popular enthusiasm. For U.S. leaders, in contrast, realpolitik governed official reactions. The negotiation of the 1819 Transcontinental Treaty with Spain leading to the acquisition of the Floridas preoccupied Secretary Adams. Premature recognition of the newly independent Latin American states might alienate Spanish leaders and ruin his diplomacy. While wishing Spanish Americans well, he put scant faith in their ability to establish "free or liberal institutions of government. …

56 citations

Book
01 Dec 1967
TL;DR: The authors annotated "The Defense of the Faith" and restored the full text of the original work in a form that is more easily understood, including the discussion about doctrine the evangelists real regarded.
Abstract: This new, annotated edition of "The Defense of the Faith" restores the full text of the original work in a form that is more easily understood. Cornelius Van Til, who Did not only against the probability, level but necessary precondition. The discussion about doctrine the evangelists real regarded. Grey thus though the holy, spirit has revealed in truth joyously. Sometimes against hegel but proclaims the gospel will see a few leaps.

56 citations

Book
30 Sep 2013
TL;DR: The Nature's Trust approach as mentioned in this paper is based on the principle of public trust, which asserts public property rights to crucial resources, such as air and water for all humanity, and can be used to protect their inalienable ecological rights for generations to come.
Abstract: Environmental law has failed us all This book exposes what is wrong with environmental law and offers transformational change based on the public trust doctrine An ancient and enduring principle, the trust doctrine asserts public property rights to crucial resources Its core logic compels government, as trustee, to protect natural inheritance such as air and water for all humanity Propelled by populist impulses and democratic imperatives, the public trust surfaces at epic times in history as a manifest human right But until now it has lacked the precision necessary for citizens, government employees, legislators, and judges to fully safeguard the natural resources we rely on for survival and prosperity The Nature's Trust approach empowers citizens worldwide to protect their inalienable ecological rights for generations to come

56 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
20231,274
20222,944
2021388
2020578
2019615
2018677