Showing papers on "East Asia published in 1971"

Vietnam and the Chinese Model: A Comparative Study of Vietnamese and Chinese Government in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century

Abstract: Why did the Vietnamese accept certain Chinese institutions and yet explicitly reject others? How did Vietnamese cultural borrowings from China alter the dynamics of traditional relations between Vietnam, Siam, Laos, and Cambodia? How did Vietnam's smaller Southeast Asian environment modify and distort classical East Asian institutions? Alexander Woodside has answered these questions in this well-received political and cultural study. This first real comparison of the civil governments of two traditional East Asian societies on an institution-by-institution basis is now reissued with a new preface.

Filibustering to Formosa: General Charles LeGendre and the Japanese

Abstract: Japan's expedition to Formosa in 1874 was apparently neither successful nor significant. A group of restless samurai were temporarily provided with an outlet for their aggressive tendencies; a portion of the island inhabited by aborigines was subdued at some cost by Japanese forces but then restored to China; and the Meiji government seemed to disavow any intention of further expansion at China's expense. However, an examination of the causes and consequences of the event sheds some light on the origins of Japanese expansionism during the Meiji period, China's position in international affairs, and the growing American role in East Asia. Of special interest is the role played by a naturalized American citizen, General Charles W. LeGendre, who served as a counsellor in the Japanese Foreign Office and military adviser to the Formosa expedition. Although LeGendre held no official American position, his role in this incident is illustrative of the expansionist tendencies of many Americans in east Asia who promoted an imperialist course against China--or any weakly governed area-by any power strong enough to effect it.1 The expedition grew out of Japan's turbulent domestic scene and

The United States Navy in the Pacific, 1909-1922

Abstract: In this continuation of his study of the interrelationship of naval and diplomatic policies, Braisted picks up the story in 1909 with the inauguration of President Taft and ends with the Washington Arms Conference of 1921 1922. He pays close attention to the efforts of U.S. naval leaders to secure the East Asian possessions of the United States against possible Japanese attack by assuring the Navy's capacity to win and retain control of the western Pacific. And for the first time, Braisted discusses the extraordinary naval building contract between the Bethlehem Steel Company and China in 1911 that committed the U.S. Navy to train Chinese naval personnel. Finally, the Washington Conference is shown to have been a triumph for traditional American attitudes toward East Asia over the more ambitious aspirations of American naval leaders. This second volume in Braisted's groundbreaking study is now available again in paperback"

Libel Laws of Modern Japan and South Korea Are Compared

Abstract: As is the rule in all systems of law, there is a competition between two dmerent objectives, a relationship of contradiction and tension between the two, in the matter of the protection of reputation under the Criminal Code. On one hand, the reputation of a person must be protected. md, on the other hand, the freedom of expression must be respected. S e i j i r o Ono, “meiyo no Hogo to Hyogen no Jiyu”’ It is esscntial, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protccted by the rule of law. The Universal Declaratlon of Human Rights

Oil and imperialism in East Asia

Abstract: (1971). Oil and imperialism in East Asia. Journal of Contemporary Asia: Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 5-35.

Marginal Diplomacy in East Asia

Abstract: THE FUNCTIONS AND CONDITIONS OF MIARGINAL DIPLOMACY Diplomacy abroad is generally thought of as government business, the execution of foreign affairs managed by the foreign ministry. There are five principal functions of professional "ministerial" diplomacy abroad: representation of the sending state; protection of the interests of the sending state and of its nationals; negotiation with the government of the host state; collection and dissemination of information; and promotion of friendly relations and development of economic, cultural, and scientific exchanges.' Outside the special context of personal diplomacy, officials of the foreign ministry are dominant in their role as state representatives abroad; and the ministry's control over the protective function is virtually monopolistic. But the three other diplomatic functions of negotiation, intelligence, and promotion are shareable and are increasingly shared with a variety of persons who do not belong to the ministerial elite of legally privileged foreign service officers. Some of these persons operating on the margins of diplomacy are officials of the foreign ministry who lack diplomatic rank, such as consular officers or members of the administrative and technical staff of a diplomatic mission. Some are government officials from other departments assigned to a mission abroad. Others are private experts or specialists temporarily attached to a mission. But most of the "marginal diplomats" today are private

China's Cautious Relations with North Korea and Indochina

Abstract: "4,200 Chinese troops in Cambodia," headlined one Hong Kong newspaper in mid May 1970 (citing "Taiwan sources") after the American incursion into Cambodia.' Soon to follow were different types of reports from Moscow and Phnom Penh. The Russians were dropping hints that China already had quietly assured the U.S. that it would not intervene with troops.2 And the new Phnom Penh government claimed that China had recognized the Sihanouk regime only after Cambodian Premier Lon Nol had refused to make an accommodation with Peking.3 Undoubtedly, the spectre of Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) troops pouring into Indochina has haunted some western observers.4 What are the prospects of this happening? If China's foreign policy of the past twenty years is a reliable guide, then there indeed may be some accuracy in the Moscow and Phnom Penh charges. It has become a cliche to speak of a 'cautious, low-cost low-risk' Chinese foreign policy. The restrained manner of her entrance into the Korean War and the limited nature of the 1962 Indian border clash are usually cited as examples of Chinese bellicose rhetoric not matching practice. This generally accepted wisdom seems to be borne out by her recent relations with the two border areas which have the most potential for provoking a Sino-American confrontation-Korea and Indochina.

Okinawa and American Colonialism

Abstract: The Ryukyus, surrounded on three sides by major powers of East Asia, are the most strategic outpost of freedom in the Far East. Known as the “Keystone of the Pacific,” Okinawa, the most important i...