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Economic Justice
About: Economic Justice is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 41600 publications have been published within this topic receiving 661535 citations.
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TL;DR: Energy democracy has become increasingly popular, especially in the context of aspirations for a low-carbon transition that include wider socio-economic and political transformation as mentioned in this paper, and the emergence of energy democracy is thus part of a broader trend in research and practice which has sought to foreground the'stuff' of politics.
Abstract: In recent years the term ‘energy democracy’ has become increasingly popular, especially in the context of aspirations for a low-carbon transition that include wider socio-economic and political transformation. The emergence of ‘energy democracy’ is thus part of a broader trend in research and practice which has sought to foreground the ‘stuff’ of politics. Yet, unlike the more academically developed concepts of energy justice and energy citizenship, energy democracy is a concept that emerged largely from social movements. This has resulted in a body of literature with little connection to established academic debates and theories. The growing popularity of the concept calls for a critical evaluation of the term and how it is used. By reviewing existing energy democracy publications and bringing these in conversations with more theoretical literature, we are seeking to address four issues; the rationale for pursuing energy democracy, the people and stakeholders involved and excluded, the proposed material focus of energy democracy, and the geographical focus of energy democracy. In the subsequent discussion we draw connections between energy democracy, the growing body of social science energy research and political theory, and identify avenues for further research.
140 citations
17 Feb 1999
TL;DR: This article developed a rational choice model of loot-motivated rebellion in which private costs are equated with private benefits, and proposed empirically measurable proxies for its key variables, and test a data set of 152 countries for each of the six five-year periods between 1965 and 1995, giving a total of 1064 potential observations.
Abstract: Civil war is both a human tragedy and a major impediment to development. Most of the world's poorest countries are experiencing or have recently experienced such conflict. The authors use a comprehensive data set to identify its causes. One motivation in rebellion is the alleviation of grievances, real or perceived. Most rebellions are ostensibly in pursuit of a `cause'. The paper develops a rational choice model of loot-motivated rebellion in which private costs are equated with private benefits, and propose empirically measurable proxies for its key variables. The authors test a data set of 152 countries for each of the six five-year periods between 1965 and 1995, giving a total of 1064 potential observations. For 53 of these observations the society was at peace at the start of the period but experienced civil war during it. The authors use probit regressions to explain these collapses into civil war in terms of characteristics at the start of the period.
140 citations
TL;DR: Discourse Ethics as mentioned in this paper is an interesting new development in neo-Kantian moral theory that combines impartiality with solidarity, and it has been used to overcome the principal criticisms that have been leveled against neo-kantianism.
Abstract: Discourse ethics represents an exciting new development in neo-Kantian moral theory. William Rehg offers an insightful introduction to its complex theorization by its major proponent, Jurgen Habermas, and demonstrates how discourse ethics allows one to overcome the principal criticisms that have been leveled against neo-Kantianism. Addressing both "communitarian" critics who argue that universalist conceptions of justice sever moral deliberation from community traditions, and feminist advocates of the "ethics of care" who stress the moral significance of caring for other individuals, Rehg shows that discourse ethics combines impartiality with solidarity. He provides a systematic reconstruction of Habermas's theory and explores its relationship to the work of such contemporary philosophers as Charles Taylor. His book articulates a bold alternative to the split between "right" and "good" theories of justice and should interest philosophers, social and legal scholars, and political scientists.
139 citations
TL;DR: Lele et al. as mentioned in this paper argue that sustainable degrowth and intersectional decolonial environmental justices would create better conditions for the transformative changes needed to reach the broader aim of the SDGs: to leave no one behind.
Abstract: Through their synergies, trade-offs, and contradictions, the sustainable development goals (SDGs) have the potential to lead to environmental justices and injustices. Yet, environmental justice (EJ), and social justice more broadly, are not currently embedded within the language and spirit of the SDGs. We part from the premise that “many ‘environmental’ problems are, by their very nature, problems of justice” (Lele, Wiley Interdiscip Rev Water 4:e1224, 2017). We review progress in EJ frameworks in recent years, arguing for the need to move beyond a focus on the four principles of mainstream EJ (distribution, procedure, recognition, and capabilities) towards a more intersectional decolonial approach to environmental justice that recognises the indispensability of both humans and non-humans. EJ frameworks, and the SDGs should recognise power dynamics, complex interactions among injustices, and listens to the different ‘senses of justice’ and desires of theorists, activists, and other stakeholder from the Global South. We analyze how EJ frameworks are, or fail to be, incorporated in the SDGs with a focus on the food–water–health nexus (SDG2, 3, 6); climate-energy (SDG7, 13), conservation (SDG14, 15); and poverty and inequality (SDG1, 10). We call attention to the ‘elephant in the room’—the failure to go beyond GDP but instead include economic growth as a goal (SDG8). We argue that sustainable degrowth and intersectional decolonial environmental justices would create better conditions for the transformative changes needed to reach the broader aim of the SDGs: to leave no one behind.
139 citations
Book•
01 Oct 1985
TL;DR: In this article, A. James Reichley places religion and politics within a conceptual framework that considers the values in which both are rooted and examines, in light of that framework, the actual impact of religion and religious groups on American public life.
Abstract: We are,"" said Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, ""a religious people,"" and his observation is continually borne out in every aspect of American public life. Religious ideals underlay the founding of the colonies and the firming of the new nation; the activities of churches have been closely interwined with politics in the abolition of slavery, the drive for women's suffrage, the prohibition of liquor,and the civil rights movement of the 1960s. The recent revival of arguments over the participation of relgious groups in politics points up the continuing controversey about the separation of church and state. In this study, A. James Reichley places religion and politics within a conceptual framework that considers the values in which both are rooted and examines, in light of that framework, the actual impact of religion and religious groups on American public life. He analyzes the underlying causes and issues involved, their contemporary impact, and their continuing evolution. Finally he discusses how the involvement of religious groups in politics can be carried on within the context of the separation of church and state without threat to civil liberties or seculat politicalization of religion.
139 citations